The Indigenous World 2025: Bangladesh
Bangladesh is a country of cultural and ethnic diversity, with over 54 Indigenous Peoples speaking at least 35 languages, along with the majority Bengali population. According to the 2022 census, the country’s Indigenous population numbers approximately 1,650,478,[i] which represents 1% of the total population. Indigenous Peoples in the country, however, claim that their population stands at some four million.[ii] The majority of the Indigenous population lives in the plains districts of the country,[iii] and the rest in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT).
The State does not recognize Indigenous Peoples as “Indigenous”. Nevertheless, since the 15th amendment of the constitution, adopted in 2011, people with distinct ethnic identities beyond the Bengali population are now mentioned.[iv] Yet only cultural aspects are mentioned, whereas major issues related to Indigenous Peoples’ economic and political rights, not least their land rights, remain ignored.
The CHT Accord of 1997 was a constructive agreement between Indigenous Peoples and the Government of Bangladesh intended to resolve key issues and points of contention. It set up a special administrative system in the region. Twenty-seven years on, the major issues of the accord, including making the CHT Land Commission functional, orchestrating a devolution of power and functions to the CHT’s institutions, preserving “tribal” area characteristics of the CHT region, demilitarization and the rehabilitation of internally displaced people, remain unsettled.
This article is part of the 39th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here
The fall of the fascist Hasina regime
A students’-people’s uprising, popularly known as the July Uprising, marked the fall of the authoritarian Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League (AL) regime on 5 August 2024, after 15 years of increasingly repressive rule. During its tenure, the regime tightened its grip on dissent, curbed freedom of speech, and fostered widespread corruption. The AL government censored the media and suppressed dissenting voices through draconian laws such as the Digital Security Act and manipulated electoral and judicial systems to remain in power. The movement that led to its downfall began as a student-led protest in June, demanding reforms to the quota system in government jobs, particularly against the politically motivated and discriminatory 30% allocation for the relatives of war veterans. The regime responded with brutal force, branding the protesters as razakars, or traitors, and unleashing violence through its party cadres and student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League. As the movement escalated in late July, State forces carried out massacres of students and civilians. On 5 August, the protest evolved into a full-scale mass uprising, ultimately toppling the AL government. The struggle, however, came at a devastating cost, with 834 lives lost,[v] including children, and hundreds more injured, many suffering from bullet wounds, still fighting for survival in hospitals. Among the victims, an Indigenous Santal student was confirmed dead, and over 53 Indigenous students were injured.[vi]
The interim Government of Bangladesh – a new hope for Indigenous Peoples?
An interim government was formed in the aftermath of the protests. The main spirit of the movement was to bring reform to the State systems by eradicating the discriminatory role of the State. It is obvious to say that the Indigenous Peoples of Bangladesh living in the plains and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) are the most vulnerable and marginalized communities, who have fallen prey to any form of discrimination for years.
Since the interim government was formed, having resolved all kinds of discrimination, it is high time for the Indigenous Peoples of Bangladesh to approach the government for a resolution to their challenges and issues. It was a good start when the Chief Adviser to the Interim Government, Nobel Laureate Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus, mentioned “Indigenous Peoples” in his inaugural address to the nation.[vii] Several other advisers and mainstream media are also using the term “Adivasi” (the local term for Indigenous Peoples) frequently now, which was rare during the previous government.
This is a crucial moment for Bangladesh as well as for the country’s Indigenous Peoples. The vision of a new, inclusive, and just society is within reach, but it demands collective effort and a clear path forward. Indigenous Peoples’ engagement in the process of State reform is crucial for bringing their issues to the discussion table and gaining attention from policy makers, civil society organizations, media and others.
The interim government has created 11 different thematic reform commissions to help the government conduct the overall State reform process. The commissions are: Constitutional Reform Commission, Electoral Reform Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission Reform Commission, Police Reform Commission, Public Administration Reform Commission, Judicial Reform Commission, Women's Affairs Reform Commission, Health Sector Reform Commission, Local Government Reform Commission, Media Reform Commission, and the Labour Reform Commission.[viii], [ix]
Representatives from Indigenous communities, as well as from minority communities, were notably excluded from the early stages of Bangladesh's reform commissions. However, as debates around inclusion and representation grew louder, the interim government responded by incorporating two representatives from Indigenous communities into the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission and the Local Government Reform Commission.
Despite this, Indigenous Peoples and other minority groups remain significantly underrepresented in key commissions that directly affect their rights. Notably, there are still no representatives from Indigenous communities on the Constitutional Reform Commission, the Electoral Reform Commission or other commissions directly linked to Indigenous Peoples' rights. This continued absence underscores the endless challenges and lack of sufficient representation for Indigenous and minority communities in Bangladesh's policy-making processes, particularly in areas crucial to their cultural preservation, land rights, and overall social justice.
One percent quota reserved for “ethnic minorities”
The 2018 Quota Reform Movement was a pivotal moment. Prior to the movement, Indigenous communities had a 5% reservation in public service jobs as part of a government quota system that was initially set at 56% and included various groups.[x]
Students demanded reform of the quota system, arguing that the 56% reservation prevented meritorious students from deservedly receiving government jobs and was thus discriminatory. Additionally, within the 56% quota, 30% was reserved for freedom fighters. Students questioned this allocation, asking how it was justified to keep this after more than 50 years of independence had passed? The anti-discrimination movement thus began. However, at that time, the government responded to their demands by abolishing the whole quota system via government executive order.
Then, in 2024, the High Court declared the executive order inappropriate and resumed the previous quota system. This immediately sparked the countrywide student protest. The government and its political party cadres wanted to suppress the movement and, in many places, student protesters were attacked by government forces. All this further ignited the students and the mass population, which eventually transformed the anti-discrimination movement into a government removal movement.
The abolition of the 5% reservation sparked strong reactions from Indigenous communities, who felt that their already limited opportunities were being further diminished. In response, the 2024 reform saw a slight revision, with the government reintroducing a 1% quota specifically for Indigenous Peoples (called “Ethnic Minorities”).[xi] While this change was seen as a partial victory, many Indigenous leaders and activists continue to advocate for a larger percentage, arguing that the current allocation does not adequately address the historical and systemic disadvantages they face. The struggle for more meaningful representation and equal opportunities in public services continues.
Report on the update to the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Regulation 1900 case and latest hearing
The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Regulation 1900 is a legal framework originally introduced during the British colonial period, which continues to govern land use, governance, and property rights in the region. For the Indigenous Peoples of the CHT, this regulation serves as a crucial safeguard for our rights, land, and cultural preservation. Despite the promises of the 1997 CHT Peace Accord, which recognized Indigenous Peoples’ rights to autonomy and land, the regulation is often under threat from external pressures seeking to undermine our protection.
The regulation’s validity has been affirmed by the Supreme Court of Bangladesh in a landmark ruling. In 2016, the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court upheld the application of the CHT Regulation 1900 in the case of Wagachara Tea Estate Ltd. v. Muhammad Abu Taher & Others (16 BLD (AD), 36, 2016), affirming the regulation’s authority to protect Indigenous lands. In 2017, the Court further strengthened this position by overturning a lower court’s judgement that had declared the regulation a “dead law” in the case of Government of Bangladesh v. Rangamati Food Products and Others (69 DLR (AD), 2017).[xii] The current legal case concerning the CHT Regulation has escalated, with significant efforts to alter its core provisions. Mr. Abdul Aziz Akhand, Mr. Abdul Malek, and other parties, including Bengali settlers and former Attorney General Mr. Amin Uddin, have proposed deleting 27 clauses from the 57 clauses of the regulation. These 27 clauses contain the core characteristics of the regulation, which guarantee autonomy, self-governance, and protection of Indigenous lands and cultural practices.[xiii] In particular, the deletion of these clauses would fundamentally undermine the very foundations of the regulation, severely limiting the autonomy granted to Indigenous communities in the CHT region. These provisions are critical in ensuring the recognition of Indigenous customary laws, land rights, and governance systems, and their removal would significantly erode the protections afforded to these communities.
On 9 May 2024, the full bench of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court held a review hearing on the CHT Regulation's status as a dead law. The bench, comprising eight judges, including the Chief Justice, was expected to make a final ruling. [xiv]
The final hearing on the CHT Regulation 1900 case was scheduled for 11 July 2024, when the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court was supposed to determine whether it would accept the review petitions challenging the previous rulings that upheld the regulation. The Court’s decision would have been pivotal in determining the future of the CHT Regulation 1900 and its ability to continue safeguarding Indigenous rights in the CHT. Due to the political unrest, however, the scheduled hearing was postponed.[xv] The hearing could now be scheduled any time.
This case thus centres on Indigenous Peoples’ efforts to uphold and defend the CHT Regulation 1900 as a vital safeguard that secures our land rights, protects us from displacement, and ensures the preservation of our distinct culture and governance structures.
Dire state of human rights in the CHT
The human rights situation in the CHT in 2024 remained dire, with ongoing violations that included extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, communal violence, land grabbing, and suppression of democratic movements. The year saw a continuation of systemic abuses rooted in long-standing issues, compounded by new challenges and insufficient State intervention. A human rights report claims that a total of 200 incidents of human rights violations took place in 2024, in which more than 6,000 Indigenous people fell victim to different forms of rights violations.[xvi]
At least 21 people were killed by the members of State forces, Bengali settlers, and land grabbers, as well as in the violent conflicts between Indigenous political groups.[xvii], [xviii], [xix] Over 140 people were either arbitrarily arrested or framed with trumped-up charges by the State forces.[xx] Indigenous Peoples also survived several violent attacks in which over 120 houses, shops, offices and temples belonging to Indigenous Peoples were set on fire and looted. Dozens of Indigenous persons were also injured in these incidents. Moreover, in around 10 incidents of illegal land grabbing, some 2,314 acres of land were grabbed by companies, influential persons, and Bengali settlers.[xxi]
While the series of violent communal attacks by Bengali settlers on Indigenous communities in Khagrachari and Rangamati from 18-20 September was one of the most violent incidents perpetrated by non-State actors during the post-CHT Accord period,[xxii] Indigenous Bawm villagers in Bandarban were particularly affected by persecution from State forces. At least 16 Bawm were killed and 143 of the same community were arbitrarily arrested or framed with trumped-up charges. Moreover, 28 Bawm were temporarily detained and 42 families faced obstruction while cultivating their farms.[xxiii], [xxiv]
Chain of violent communal attacks on Indigenous Peoples in Khagrachari and Rangamati
A series of violent attacks by Bengali settlers in Dighinala, Khagrachari Sadar (19 September), and Rangamati (20 September) resulted in the deaths of four Indigenous persons, around 100 injuries, and widespread arson targeting Indigenous homes, businesses, offices, and Buddhist temples.[xxv]
The violence began after the alleged mob killing of Mamun, a Bengali settler, on 18 September in Khagrachari. Mamun, caught attempting to steal a motorbike, reportedly died from hitting an electric pole while fleeing. Police confirmed he had 16 criminal cases against him.[xxvi] However, settler groups blamed the local Indigenous people for his death, sparking protest rallies on 19 September. From one rally in Dighinala, settlers attacked Jummo[xxvii] individuals and set fire to homes and businesses.[xxviii] In response, Jummos staged road blockades in Khagrachari in the evening. Military vehicles dispersed them violently, opening fire, as seen in live-streamed videos. Three Jummos were killed: Dhananjoy Chakma, 50, Junan Chakma, 22, and Rubel Tripura, 24, with nearly 100 others injured in the violent incidents in Dighinala and Khagrachri Sadar.[xxix]
The violence spread to Rangamati Sadar on 20 September, where a Jummo procession against the attacks in Dighinal and Khagrachari Sadar faced stone-throwing settlers. False announcements from Banarupa Mosque’s loudspeaker claimed Jummos were planning to attack the mosque, fuelling further violence. Settlers attacked Jummos, looting and burning homes, businesses, and religious sites, including the Moitri Bihar Buddhist temple. The offices of the CHT Regional Council and CHT Hill Students’ Council were also set on fire and vandalized. Anik Kumar Chakma, 22, was brutally killed in one of these attacks and several dozen people were injured. Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which prohibits assembly of five or more people and the holding of public meetings, was imposed but not before significant destruction had occurred.[xxx]
On 1 October, further violence erupted in Khagrachari following the mob killing of Sohel Rana, a teacher accused of raping a 7th-grade Indigenous girl. Protests by Indigenous groups led to Sohel’s confinement, where he was assaulted and later died. Settlers responded by unleashing more violence against some Indigenous communities in Khagrachari Sadar, mirroring earlier attacks. Several Indigenous persons were injured, and several shops and houses of Indigenous people were vandalized in these attacks.[xxxi]
Throughout these incidents, the role of the security forces was highly questionable. Testimonies report either direct involvement or inaction, allowing violence to escalate near military establishments. Army personnel allegedly deleted footage of attacks from Jummo individuals' phones, beating those who resisted.[xxxii] The government established a seven-member investigation committee to ascertain the causes of the above-mentioned violent incidents. Despite clear evidence available, however, no perpetrators were arrested.
Violence against Indigenous women and girls
Violence against Indigenous women and girls remains a persistent concern in Bangladesh, affecting both the plains and the CHT. Despite the existence of protective legislation such as the Women and Children Repression Prevention Act (2000), the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act 2010, and the National Action Plan to Prevent Violence Against Women and Children (2013-2025), the issue persists.
In 2024, Kapaeeng Foundation, a Bangladesh-based human rights organization, documented 17 cases of violence against Indigenous women and girls. These reported incidents involved 17 Indigenous women and girls who experienced sexual or physical assault. The breakdown of these cases is alarming: 4 victims were raped; 1 was killed; 6 were cases of attempted rape; 3 survived gang rape; 1 was abducted; 1 missing and 1 sexually harassed. This figure is likely to underrepresent the true extent of the problem. While all perpetrators were male, their backgrounds varied.
The State authorities’ response to these cases has been inconsistent. Only in five incidents were police cases filed against the perpetrators. In other cases, either no action was taken against the perpetrators, or the support of the relevant State authorities was inadequate or delayed. This inconsistency in response suggests discriminatory treatment of Indigenous women and girls by some State authorities.
Indigenous students express their struggles through graffiti
While the July Uprising was a tragic episode, it also ignited renewed hope for a more inclusive and just Bangladesh – one that embraces diversity and rejects discrimination. During the uprising, and in the weeks that followed, graffiti became a powerful tool of resistance and expression of desired change for the youth. Indigenous students actively took part in this movement, using the streets of Dhaka and the three hill districts of the CHT as canvases to voice their dreams of an inclusive Bangladesh. Their graffiti highlighted the pressing issues faced by Indigenous communities, including the long-standing demand for constitutional recognition, ongoing violence, development destruction, unimplemented CHT Accord, land alienation, and persistent militarization in the CHT. The graffiti murals show that, despite the fall of an authoritarian regime, the CHT’s Indigenous Peoples continue to face discrimination, repression, and shrinking civic space in their homeland. Through these visual expressions, they not only documented their struggles but also articulated their deep yearning for freedom, justice, and a future in which their rights are fully recognized and respected.
Pallab Chakma, Executive Director, Kapaeeng Foundation. Email:This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Bablu Chakma is a human rights defender. Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
This article is part of the 39th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here
Notes and references
[i] Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. “Population and housing census – preliminary report 2022.” p. 10. Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, 2022.
[ii] Barkat, Abul. “Political Economy of Unpeopling of Indigenous Peoples: The Case of Bangladesh.” Paper presented at the 19th biennial conference, Bangladesh Economic Association, Dhaka, 8-10 January 2015.
[iii] Halim, Sadeka. “Land loss and implications on the plain land Adivasis.” In “Songhati”, edited by Sanjeeb Drong, p. 72. Bangladesh Indigenous Peoples’ Forum, 2015.
[iv] Article 23A stipulates: “The State shall take steps to protect and develop the unique local culture and tradition of the tribes, minor races, ethnic sects and communities.”
[v] Government Gazette 2025, Notification no. 48.00.0000.004.37.243.2025.03, Ministry of Liberation War Affairs, People’s Republic of Bangladesh.
[vi] Prothomalo. “Gazette publication of the martyrs of the July Uprising 2024.” 16 January 2025. https://www.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/qam61rdeh8
[vii] Prothomalo. “Chief adviser’s address to the nation.” 25 August 2024. https://en.prothomalo.com/video/xroe6p8h3o
[viii] The Business Standard. “Who are the heads of the six reform commissions?” 11 September 2024. https://www.tbsnews.net/bangladesh/who-are-heads-six-reform-commissions-939071
[ix] Shawon, Ali Asif. “Four new reform commissions announced.” Dhaka Tribune, 17 October 2024. https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/government-affairs/362244/four-new-reform-commissions-announced
[x] The Daily Star. “Completely on merit.” 4 October 2018. https://www.thedailystar.net/country/quota-system-in-bangladesh-cabinet-approves-scrapping-it-top-govt-jobs-1642021
[xi] The Daily Star. “SC verdict on govt jobs: 93pc on merit, 7pc from quota.” 22 July 2024. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/sc-verdict-govt-jobs-93pc-merit-7pc-quota-3660211
[xii] IWGIA. “Bangladesh: Protect Indigenous Peoples’ rights in Chittagong Hill Tracts.” 9 July 2024. https://iwgia.org/en/news/5546-bangladesh-protect-indigenous-peoples-right-cht.html
[xiii] Interview with Advocate Nicolas Chakma.
[xiv] Kyaw, Thain Shewe. “Extreme Nationalism in Opposition to The CHT Regulation 1900.” Centre for Governance Studies, 1 August 2024. https://cgs-bd.com/article/24611/Extreme-Nationalism-in-Opposition-to-The-CHT-Regulation-1900
[xv] Minority Rights Group, IWGIA, FIAN International. “Bangladesh: Protect Indigenous Peoples’ rights in Chittagong Hill Tracts.” 9 July 2024.https://minorityrights.org/bangladesh-protect-indigenous-peoples-rights-in-chittagong-hill-tracts/
[xvi] Parbatya Chattagram Jana Smahati Samiti (PCJSS), Information and Publicity Department. “Annual Report 2024 on the Human Rights Situation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.” 1 January 2025. https://ipdpcjss.wordpress.com/2025/01/01/%e0%a6%aa%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%b0%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%a4%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%af-%e0%a6%9a%e0%a6%9f%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%9f%e0%a6%97%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%b0%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%ae%e0%a7%87%e0%a6%b0-%e0%a6%ae%e0%a6%be-2/?fbclid=IwY2xjawH1rDxleHRuA2FlbQIxMAABHWaziLaH-Wb7Pg2g9Q-b5mOpXfxoKCJtxpagf-LFQD1g86RbOp7PVKWkXA_aem_ZLzPg1WnSShWwl64WMVMDg
[xvii] The numbers are contested in this regard. The PCJSS report claims that the number of people killed is 21, while the UPDF report claims it to be 41.
[xviii] Ibid.
[xix] United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF). “Press Release on Annual Human Rights Report 2024 in CHT.” 2025. https://updfcht.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Press-release-on-Annual-HR-Report-2024-in-CHT.pdf
[xx] Ibid.
[xxii] AIPP, CHT Commission and IWGIA. “Joint Statement: Call for Urgent action on Repeated Violence in CHT.” 8 October 2024. https://iwgia.org/en/news/5566-joint-statement-urgent-action-repeated-violence-cht.html
[xxiii] Ibid.
[xxiv] International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs. “Caught in the Crossfire: The Plight of the Bawm Community and Unveiling the Complex Ties Between the Bangladesh Military and the Kuki-Chin National Front.” 9 September 2024. https://iwgia.org/en/news/5554-caught-crossifre-bawm-complex-ties-between-bangladesh-military-kuki-chin-national-front.html
[xxv] Kapaeeng Foundation, 2025, Human Rights Report 2024 on Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh.
[xxvi] Jugantor. “Young man dies on stolen motorcycle.” 18 September 2024. https://www.jugantor.com/country-news/853823
[xxvii] The Indigenous Peoples of the CHT are collectively known as Jummo.
[xxviii] IWGIA. “Urgent Alert: Violent attacks on Indigenous Jummo People in Bangladesh.” 19 September 2024. https://iwgia.org/en/news/5561
[xxix] Kapaeeng Foundation, 2025, Human Rights Report 2024 on Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh.
[xxx] Kapaeeng Foundation, 2025, Human Rights Report 2024 on Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh.
[xxxi] IWGIA, AIPP. “Joint Statement: Call for Urgent Action on Repeated Violence in CHT.” 8 October 2024. https://iwgia.org/en/news/5566-joint-statement-urgent-action-repeated-violence-cht.html
[xxxii] Ibid.
Tags: Women, Youth, Human rights, Indigenous Peoples Human Rights Defenders
