The Indigenous World 2026: Indonesia
Indonesia has a population of approximately 250 million people.[1] The Indigenous Peoples’ Alliance of the Archipelago – Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN), an independent Indigenous organization that represents 2,596 Indigenous communities throughout Indonesia, totalling around 21 million individual members – estimates that the number of Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia stands at between 50 and 70 million individuals.[2]
Since Indonesian independence in 1945, and as of 2024, the government’s transmigration programme[3] has moved more than 10 million people from the densely populated islands of Java, Madura, Bali and Lombok to places that have large areas of land on the islands of Sumatra, Sulawesi, Kalimantan and Papua. These areas have been considered empty but are in fact inhabited by Indigenous Peoples.[4]
The third amendment to the Indonesian Constitution recognizes Indigenous Peoples’ rights in Article 18b-2.[5] In more recent legislation, there is implicit recognition of some Indigenous Peoples’ rights, including Act No. 5/1960 on Basic Agrarian Regulation,[6] Act No. 39/1999 on Human Rights,[7] and MPR Decree No. X/2001 on Agrarian Reform.[8] Act No. 27/2007 on Management of the Coastal Zone and Small Islands[9] and Act No. 32/2009 on the Environment[10] clearly use the term Masyarakat Adat (Indigenous Peoples) and use the working definition (in terms of characteristics) of AMAN.[11] The Constitutional Court affirmed the constitutional rights of Indigenous Peoples to their land and territories in May 2013,[12] including their collective rights to customary forests. However, these recognitions are only declaratory in nature and establish a mandate that derivative laws be enacted governing the recognition of Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia.
While Indonesia is a signatory to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), government officials argue that the concept of Indigenous Peoples is not applicable as the majority of Indonesians (apart from the ethnic Chinese) are Indigenous and thus entitled to the same rights. Consequently, the government has rejected calls for specific needs from groups identifying as Indigenous Peoples. This position is widely contested by academics, Indigenous Peoples' organizations, and civil society organizations.
West Papua covers the western part of the island of New Guinea and has been under Indonesian control since 1969 when control was taken over from the Netherlands. In 2022, the Government of Indonesia established four new provinces or so-called New Autonomous Regions (DOBs) in West Papua. The four new DOBs are Papua Tengah Province, Papua Pegunungan Province, Papua Selatan Province and Papua Barat Daya Province. With these four DOBs, along with the two existing provinces, namely Papua Province and Papua Barat Province, West Papua is now divided into six provinces.[13]
Based on 2024 Central Bureau of Statistics data for each province, the total population in West Papua is 6.2 million people. This is up from a population of 4.4 million people divided across the two provinces in 2022. Since West Papua was divided into six provinces, there is no valid data on the number of Indigenous Papuans in each province. A portion of the population in the six provinces are migrants who came from other parts of Indonesia through government-sponsored transmigration programmes. In big cities such as Jayapura, Merauke, Manowari, and Sorong, the migrant population already outnumbers the Indigenous population, whereas in inland areas (mountains), the Indigenous population is still larger than the migrant population.[14]
West Papua has the most diverse range of cultures and languages in Indonesia. While Bahasa Indonesia is the official language spoken now, there are more than 250 tribal languages spoken by Indigenous Papuans today.[15] West Papua is divided into seven distinct customary territories: Mamberamo Tabi (Mamta), Saireri in Papua Province, Mee Pago in Papua Tengah Province, La Pago in Papua Pegunungan province and Ha Anim in Papua Selatan province, and Doberai and Bomberai in Papua Barat Province and Papua Barat Daya Province.[16]
Since Indonesia took control of the region in 1969, West Papuans have continued to seek independence from Indonesia. Ever since, Indigenous Peoples in West Papua have been faced with forced displacements,[17] land grabbing,[18] restricted access of foreign journalists and human rights monitors[19] and so on.
This article is part of the 40th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. Find The Indigenous World 2026 in full here
State militarization, the occupation of Indigenous territories, and security crisis in Indonesia
The political and economic situation prevailing throughout 2025 in Indonesia further restricted the rights and living space of Indigenous Peoples. The oppressions, deprivations of Indigenous territories, criminalization, and violence experienced by Indigenous Peoples continue to occur in various places and mark a worsening of the legal and political dynamics of Indigenous Peoples' recognition and protection. Indigenous Peoples’ rights advocates have been targeted to silence and even murder them, and mass mobilizations have taken place to suppress critical voices and resistance by Indigenous Peoples.[20]
The political-legal configuration that took place in 2025 did not indicate any change in the situation of Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia. This could be seen in three ways:
First, the state has consistently demonstrated little political will to recognize Indigenous Peoples. The lack of discussions to progress the Indigenous Peoples Bill[21] for years, despite the growing attention and expressed concerns of the public and international organizations such as the UN, is one sign of the state's reluctance to recognize, respect, and protect Indigenous Peoples.
Second, the state uses complex and sectoral legal scenarios to separate the recognition of Indigenous Peoples from their Indigenous territories. Legal instruments such as the Job Creation Law[22] and the Criminal Code are seen as tools with which to legitimize land grabbing in the name of investment and National Strategic Projects (PSN).
Third, in 2025, the relationship between the state and Indigenous Peoples shifted to a repressive militaristic relationship in the management of natural resources and food and has narrowed the space for dialogue and increased the potential for physical violence on the ground.
The Prabowo-Gibran regime
Militarization continued to increasingly define the Prabowo-Gibran regime throughout 2025,[23] whereby a security approach is considered the primary foundation of state governance rather than a strengthening of democracy and respect for human rights. This orientation has direct implications for Indigenous Peoples, who are perceived as objects of state control through criminalization, the seizure of customary territories, and the legitimization of violence in the name of stability and development.
The issuing of Presidential Regulation No. 5 of 2025[24] concerning the forest area regulation, whereby an understanding was reached between the Ministry of Forestry and the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), has led to encompassing forest rehabilitation, forest protection, and forestry law enforcement.[25] This has raised concerns about the return of authoritarian leadership and led to further forced resettlement of Indigenous Peoples from their ancestral lands in the name of state forest areas or National Strategic Projects.
Furthermore, the escalation of conflict and the increasing criminalization of Indigenous Peoples throughout 2025 cannot be viewed as incidental events but rather as a direct consequence of the strengthening of the state's security paradigm.
This phenomenon further creates vulnerability for Indigenous Peoples, as the military's increasing role in civilian affairs is disproportionate to policies that recognize, respect, and protect Indigenous Peoples. The implications of this disparity often lead Indigenous Peoples to confront the TNI in the field, frequently resulting in conflict and criminalization.
International attention during 2025
The absence of an Indigenous Peoples Law in Indonesia, which has resulted in increased vulnerability for Indigenous Peoples, received international attention in 2025, particularly from the UN. More specifically, the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, Dr. Albert K. Barume, expressed deep concerns at the continued lack of recognition and systemic human rights violations faced by Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia. Further, he also highlighted his concerns regarding National Strategic Projects and extractive projects being implemented by the government without ensuring Indigenous Peoples’ right to Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). These projects have led to the seizure of Indigenous territories, human rights violations, environmental degradation, further impacts of climate change, and the militarization of Indigenous territories.[26]
The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) had a crucial focus on the situation of Indigenous human rights defenders and Indigenous communities in Indonesia throughout 2025, are they are facing increasing criminalization, repression, and violence, including arbitrary arrest, torture, and enforced disappearances.[27] In addition, several Indigenous groups in Indonesia are being pushed to the verge of extinction and their physical and cultural survival is under threat as Indigenous Peoples are being forced to move and leave their customary territories.[28]
Continued challenges facing recognition of Indigenous Peoples’ rights in 2025
To date, the area of customary land that has been mapped by Indigenous communities through participatory means covers 33.6 million hectares.[29] However, of this, only 6.4 million hectares or 18.75% of the 320 Indigenous communities have been recognized and designated by regional legal policies, while more than 81% of customary land remains unrecognized by the state. In addition, the customary forests that have been designated to date total 332,505 hectares spread across 156 Indigenous communities. To speed up the confirmation of customary forests, the Customary Forest Task Force formed by the Ministry of Forestry, consisting of academics and civil society organizations (CSO) including AMAN, is currently working with a target of confirming 1.4 million hectares of customary forest, as announced by the Minister of Forestry of the Republic of Indonesia.[30]
Meanwhile, the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/National Land Agency (ATR/BPN) has identified around 4 million hectares of customary land across 20 provinces. This presents both an opportunity and a threat to Indigenous Peoples. In practice, the Ministry of ATR/BPN prioritizes the certification of Management Rights (HPL) over the registration of customary land in the customary land register (PDTU).[31] AMAN firmly rejects certification as stipulated in the Indonesian Constitution.
Finally, in the coastal and small islands sector, the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries has designated 412 customary areas across 27 coastal regions.
Stagnation of the draft law on Indigenous Peoples
The Indigenous Peoples Bill[32] continues to occupy the national legislative agenda. Despite being included in the priority national legislative programme several times, the Indigenous Peoples Bill has not been discussed by the government as of the end of 2025. Throughout 2025, the government has consistently served investment interests by issuing various regulations and policies that discriminate against Indigenous Peoples, including Government Regulation Number 28 of 2025 concerning the Implementation of Risk-Based Business Licensing,[33] Government Regulation Number 10 of 2025 concerning Indonesia's Sovereign Wealth Fund,[34] and Presidential Regulation Number 5 of 2025 concerning forest area regulation.
The lack of discussion of the Indigenous Peoples Bill can be seen as strongly related to priorities of national development, which still relies on extractivism and capital expansion. The legal recognition of Indigenous Peoples is perceived as a structural barrier to accelerating investment and strategic projects. Consequently, the state is delaying or even avoiding deliberation of the Indigenous Peoples Bill, while simultaneously producing sectoral regulations that expand the scope for impunity for corporations and security forces. This practice demonstrates a fundamental contradiction between the constitutional mandate that guarantees the existence and rights of Indigenous Peoples and state policies that systematically position Indigenous Peoples as victims of development.
Militarization of forest area regulation and its impact on Indigenous Peoples
Presidential Regulation Number 5 of 2025 concerning forest area regulation has the potential to threaten the customary forests – which, according to Constitutional Court Decision Number 35 of 2012[35] – have been separated into state forests and customary forests. Efforts to regulate forest areas using military force have the potential to seriously impact the rights of Indigenous Peoples, especially in customary forests that have not received state recognition. Nearly 70% of the area in Indonesia is forested and, according to AMAN data from 2025,[36] there are 124 Indigenous communities in 10 provinces in Indonesia with a population of around 1.6 million people residing or living in forest areas. This means that the militarization of forest area regulation also threatens the security of Indigenous Peoples living in and around forest areas.
In general, the forest area regulation, as stipulated by Presidential Regulation Number 5, is implemented through the application of sanctions, both administrative and criminal, as well as the re-occupation of forest areas if there are individuals or corporations conducting activities within forest areas without permits. Sanctions for re-occupation of forest areas by the state can be used at any time as a pretext to seize customary territories in the name of development, especially in National Strategic Projects (PSN)[37] because Indigenous Peoples are considered to be occupying forest areas illegally.
Expansion of state control over Indigenous territories
As Indonesia aims to speed up its development agenda, energy transition, and the expansion of conservation areas, Indigenous Peoples are increasingly feeling pressure on their living space and sovereignty. The 2030 Global Agenda, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and Target 3 of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (KMGBF),[38] which stipulate the protection of 30% of the world's land surface and 30% of the oceans by 2030, has become a powerful reference point, which significantly changes the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and the state.
Southeast Asia, home to a large proportion of the world's Indigenous Peoples, provides a stark illustration of how the global agenda can become an instrument of marginalization for Indigenous Peoples, who are themselves most instrumental in maintaining the sustainability of their lands, territories, and natural resources. Conservation and development regimes are framed as commitments to climate change and biodiversity protection, yet their implementation often neglects Indigenous Peoples' rights.
At the same time, the Indonesian government expanded its National Strategic Projects (PSN) through Presidential Regulation Number 12 of 2025 concerning the 2025-2029 National Medium-Term Development Plan, which lists 77 National Strategic Projects covering various sectors, from education, health, food security, infrastructure, energy, to industrial estate development.[39] In fact, more than 20.6 million hectares of forest have been cleared or allocated for national strategic projects in the food and energy sectors – from food estates to industrial plantations and energy infrastructure. These projects have not only accelerated the rate of deforestation but also triggered a series of evictions, criminalization, and loss of living space for Indigenous Peoples.[40] Global commitments that should strengthen protection have instead been manipulated to expand state control over Indigenous territories. The KMGBF 2030 ambition risks reproducing the same historical injustice, leading to the removal of Indigenous Peoples from their customary territories.
Conflict and criminalization of Indigenous Peoples
During 2025, there were 135 cases of customary land grabbing, with the area of customary land seized in the name of development, investment, and conservation amounting to 3.8 million hectares. These conflicts impacted 109 Indigenous communities and 162 Indigenous community members who experienced violence and criminalization. Throughout 2025, cases of customary land grabbing predominantly involved Indigenous communities versus mining projects (69 cases), Indigenous communities versus plantation projects (34 cases), Indigenous communities versus infrastructure projects (11 cases), Indigenous communities versus forestry concessions (11 cases) and various cases involving energy, tourism, and agricultural projects. This indicates that development extractivism does not bring economic benefits to Indigenous communities but instead has disastrous impacts, leading to the loss of Indigenous territories. Examples of conflicts that occurred in 2025 and threatened the security of Indigenous Peoples included the attack and kidnapping of members of the Sihaporas Indigenous community by a number of employees of PT Toba Pulp Lestari (TPL) in North Sumatra; the seizure of the Indigenous territories of the Soge and Goban Indigenous communities by PT Krisrama in East Nusa Tenggara; the criminalization and state violence against Indigenous communities in Pocoleok due to geothermal projects; the conflict and seizure of the Punti Kalo Indigenous territory by the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) in Tebo, Jambi; and the destruction of Kei Besar Island for the benefit of the National Strategic Project in Merauke.[41]
COP 30 and Indigenous Peoples’ rights
The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) COP30 became a platform for debate on deforestation. The ecosystem degradation and destruction on Indigenous territories remains low-level because they are protected by Indigenous Peoples. However, threats persist; the expansion of extractive industries, infrastructure development, and energy projects without FPIC. While the ecological value of Indigenous territories is increasingly recognized, legal protection remains weak. The energy transition is a controversial issue. Indigenous Peoples reject models that simply replace energy sources without changing the exploitative patterns that damage their territories. Mineral mining projects, large dams, and other energy projects on Indigenous territories are not climate solutions if they violate Indigenous Peoples' rights.
Indigenous Peoples' actions reflect both anger and hope. AMAN, along with the Global Alliance of Territorial Communities, advocated that COP30 had to result in concrete decisions leading to actual action.[42] Overall, COP30 demonstrated increasing recognition of Indigenous Peoples' contributions but the gap between recognition and concrete commitments and action remains fundamental. At COP30, Indigenous Peoples explicitly demanded that land rights, FPIC, access to funding, and the protection of Indigenous Peoples' knowledge should be the foundation of every climate decision.
AMAN welcomed the Indonesian government's announcement at COP30 regarding the recognition of 1.4 million hectares of customary forests and the strengthening of Indigenous Peoples' tenure rights as part of its deforestation mitigation strategy.[43] Recognizing tenure rights and control over customary territories positions Indigenous Peoples as key actors in climate mitigation and adaptation. Indigenous Peoples are not merely beneficiaries but key guardians of forests, rivers, ecosystems, and Indigenous knowledge. With this position, Indigenous Peoples can strengthen customary territory-based climate action and ensure that government recognition of customary forests is not merely a political symbol, but a concrete foundation for sustainable social and environmental justice.
WEST PAPUA
The year 2025 was marked by increasingly complex dynamics for Indigenous Peoples in West Papua. Throughout 2025, Indigenous Peoples faced a combination of limited progress in policy recognition of their rights and increased threats to peace and security due to armed conflict, militarization of Indigenous territories, and the expansion of development projects and extractive industries. This article summarizes the main developments, both positive and negative, that occurred between January and December 2025, with brief references to previous editions of The Indigenous World for ongoing context.
Policies and legislation affecting Indigenous Peoples
In 2025, there were a number of initiatives at the regional level aimed at strengthening the recognition of Indigenous Peoples in West Papua, particularly through the promotion of regional regulations on Indigenous Peoples and customary territories. The West Papua People's Assembly (MRP) and the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRP) promoted regulations that were expected to form the legal basis for the recognition of rights to customary territories, the mapping of customary territories, and the protection of customary-based management of natural resources.[44]
At the national level, advocacy for accelerating the ratification of the Indigenous Peoples Bill continues to grow stronger.[45] In 2025, a public consultation and declaration by Indigenous Peoples regarding the Indigenous Peoples Bill was held in Sorong. In fact, the large Mairasi tribe in West Papua also issued a call reaffirming their demand for an Indonesian legal framework to provide certainty regarding their rights to land, customary territories, and sources of livelihood, as well as recognition of the role of Indigenous women. However, by the end of 2025, this Bill had not yet been passed, so legal protection for Indigenous Peoples remained partial and dependent on sectoral policies.
Rights to land, territory, and natural resources
Several Indigenous communities in West Papua, such as the large Mairasi tribe in West Papua Province, have mapped their customary territories covering approximately 1.4 million hectares. Further, they have carried out various other activities to preserve their natural resources, such as replanting the Indigenous Merbau Trees in their forests, which were destroyed by logging companies. This initiative demonstrates the efforts of Indigenous communities to use available state mechanisms to obtain formal recognition of their customary territories.[46]
However, reports from civil society organizations (CSOs) indicate that the overall recognition of customary forests remains very limited compared to the total area of customary lands in West Papua. This imbalance increases the vulnerability to land conflicts, especially in areas targeted for large-scale development projects and extractive industries, such as the Merauke National Strategic Project (PSN).[47]
Conflict, security, and human rights
Throughout 2025, the security situation in West Papua remained a serious concern. The escalation of armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and pro-independence armed groups in West Papua has had a direct impact on Indigenous Peoples as civilians. Human Rights Watch reports that repeated security operations and fighting have increased the risk of human rights violations, including internal displacement, restrictions on access to basic services, and prolonged trauma among Indigenous communities.[48] According to the latest data from Human Rights Monitor, the number of Internally Displaced People (IDPs) due to conflict in West Papua amounted to more than 105,878 people as of 1 January 2026. This figure includes various districts such as Nduga (58,981 people), Intan Jaya (12,859 people), and others, where the majority are Indigenous Peoples affected by military operations and armed conflict. The humanitarian situation is worsening, with shortages of food, medicine, clean water, and limited access to aid, as well as the refusal of refugees to return before military forces are withdrawn.[49]
The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) monitored dozens of alleged human rights violations in Papua during 2025, many of which were related to security operations and armed conflict in customary territories.[50] This situation reinforces the fact that security approaches not based on the protection and respect of Indigenous Peoples' rights have the potential to deepen and perpetuate the cycle of violence.
Peace and security: impact on the livelihoods of Indigenous Peoples
The militarization of customary territories throughout 2025 has had a significant impact on the daily lives of Indigenous Peoples in West Papua. The long-term presence of armed forces has restricted communities' access to gardens, forests, rivers, and sacred sites, all of which form the economic, spiritual, and cultural foundations of the Indigenous Papuans. This situation has also weakened customary mechanisms for peaceful conflict resolution. Moreover, the army has openly formed a number of battalions that enter civilian spaces with a focus on territorial and development functions, known as the Territorial Development Infantry Battalion (YONIF TP) or Regional Support Battalion. These battalions support “food security” projects such as the Merauke National Strategic Project (PSN), which seize Indigenous territories by military force and lead not only to land grabbing and forced displacement of Indigenous Peoples but also deforestation, ecosystem degradation and pollution.[51] The formation of these battalions has been intensively carried out in West Papua since 2024 with a target of creating one battalion per district, and around 150 new battalions per year.[52]
In his interim report to the UN General Assembly in October 2025, the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples emphasized the urgent need for recognition, demarcation, and legal protection of customary lands as a prerequisite for sustainable peace and security.[53] The report asserts that the state's failure to protect customary land rights increases the risk of criminalization and violence against Indigenous Peoples.
Indigenous women are in a highly vulnerable position in the context of conflict and insecurity. During 2025, Indigenous Papuan women not only bore the brunt of displacement and food insecurity but also played a major role in maintaining family continuity, Indigenous knowledge, and social cohesion. However, the role of Indigenous women in conflict resolution and peace processes is still minimally recognized in formal policies.
Indigenous youth also face significant challenges due to limited opportunities for participation and a declining sense of security. However, at the same time, Indigenous youth are becoming involved in initiatives to document Indigenous territories, digital advocacy, and human rights education, which have the potential to become the foundation for long-term community-based peacebuilding.
Although Indigenous Peoples have a long tradition of conflict resolution and restorative justice, this knowledge and practice remains largely unintegrated into state security policies or international peace frameworks. The UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) emphasize the importance of the meaningful inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in peace and security processes, from the local to the international level.[54] In West Papua in particular, Indigenous Peoples continue to be pitted against each other, with the Indigenous institutions of West Papua's Indigenous Peoples being disrupted by state-created Indigenous institutions for the purpose of controlling Indigenous territories, as seen in the PSN project in Merauke and the construction of new battalions.
Development and extractive industry projects
Pressure on customary territories from large-scale development projects and extractive industries continued in 2025. These projects were consistently reported as proceeding without adequate Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC), triggering land conflicts and threatening the environmental sustainability of Indigenous communities.[55]
On the other hand, the revocation of a number of nickel mining permits in Raja Ampat following public protests shows that there is room for practices that are more responsive to environmental protection and Indigenous Peoples’ rights, although this step does not yet fully guarantee their structural protection.[56]
International engagement
The issue of Indigenous Peoples in West Papua continued to be raised in international human rights mechanisms throughout 2025. Statements by UN human rights experts and the continued attention of the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples emphasized that the state has an obligation to recognize Indigenous Peoples as partners in development, peace, and security, not merely as objects of policy.[57]
Outlook 2026/2027
Going forward, the situation of Indigenous Peoples in West Papua will be largely determined by the direction of state policy on conflict, recognition of customary rights, and space for Indigenous Peoples’ participation. The passage of the Indigenous Peoples Bill and the strengthening of regional regulations have the potential to be positive steps, if done correctly and without a security approach that does not respect human rights. Meaningful inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the peace process is essential. Otherwise, the risk of conflict escalation and insecurity is expected to remain high and even increase.
Yayan Hidayat is an Indigenous person from Tebo, Jambi, and a PhD Candidate in Political Science at the University of Indonesia. Mr. Hidayat is currently working for AMAN.
Nicodemus A. P. Yomaki is an independent observer based in Jayapura, West Papua. With a background in direct observation of the dynamics of Indigenous communities in West Papua, he actively documents issues related to human rights, land and natural resource conflicts, the preservation of Indigenous values and culture, and the impact of development on Indigenous communities in West Papua. Multiple of his works have been published in national and international media, and he has contributed to reports on Indigenous Peoples’ rights. He is committed to amplifying the voices of West Papuan Indigenous Peoples in the context of collective rights and the protection of Indigenous territories in accordance with the UNDRIP. This contribution is part of an effort to document the reality of Indigenous Peoples in West Papua. Contact: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
This article is part of the 40th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. Find The Indigenous World 2026 in full here
Notes and references
[1] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292
[2] Ibid.
[3] B. RI, “Rencana Kerja Pemerintah Tahun 2025: Akselerasi Pertumbuhan Ekonomi yang Inklusif dan Berkelanjutan,” Bappenas RI, Jakarta, 2024.
[4] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292
[5] U.-U. D. N. R. I. 1945, “JDIH BPK,” 4 November 2023. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/101646/uud-no--. [Accessed on 13 January 2026].
[6] U.-U. N. 5. T. 1960, “JDIH BPK RI,” 4 January 2023. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/51310/uu-no-5-tahun-1960. [Accessed on 16 February 2026].
[7] U.-U. N. 3. T. 1999, “JDIH BPK RI,” 4 June 2023. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/45361/uu-no-39-tahun-1999. [Accessed on 6 February 2026].
[8] K. M. N. I. T. 2001, “FAO,” 9 November 2001. [Online]. Available: https://www.fao.org/faolex/results/details/en/c/LEX-FAOC143985/. [Accessed on 6 February 2026].
[9] U.-U. N. 2. T. 2007, “JDIH BPK RI,” 27 July 2007. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/39911/uu-no-27-tahun-2007. [Accessed on 6 February 2026].
[10] U.-U. N. 3. T. 2009, “JDIH BPK RI,” 3 October 2009. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/details/38771/uu-no-32-tahun-2009. [Accessed on 6 February 2026].
[11] M. Arman, Negara: Sebuah Masalah Masyarakat Adat, Jakarta: Lamalera, 2020.
[12] M. Konstitusi, “aman.or.id,” 23 March 2018. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/putusan_sidang_35-PUU-2012-Kehutanan-telah-ucap-16-Mei-2013.pdf. [Accessed on 6 February 2026].
[13] Kompas. “6 Provinsi di Papua beserta Ibukotanya“ https://regional.kompas.com/read/2023/08/26/220042478/6-provinsi-di-papua-beserta-ibukotanya?page=all
[14] Jubi. “Jumlah Orang Asli Papua semakin berkurang, bahkan di PBD sudah minoritas” https://jubi.id/tanah-papua/2024/jumlah-orang-asli-papua-semakin-berkurang-bahkan-di-pbd-sudah-minoritas/
[15] Peta Lokasi Bahasa-Bahasa Daerah di Propinsi Irian Jaya https://www.sil.org/system/files/reapdata/82/25/11/82251156459381736844114448312784262289/PETA_LOKASI_BAHASA_BAHASA_DAERAH_DI_PROPINSI_IRIAN.pdf
[16] Perpres Nomor 24 Tahun. 2023.
[17] Jubi. “Riwayat Pengungsian di Tanah Papua”. 18 December 2024. https://jubi.id/pasifik/2024/riwayat-pengungsian-di-tanah-papua/
[18] Catatan Akhir Tahun. ”Perampasan Tanah, Kekerasan dan Deforestasi di Papua”. 2017. http://fransiskanpapua.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Laporan-Bersama-Catatan-Akhir-Tahun-2017-Vrs.pdf
[19] Human Rights Watch. “Something to Hide – Indonesia’s Restrictions on Media Freedom and Rights Monitoring in Papua”. 10 November 2015. https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/11/11/something-hide/indonesias-restrictions-media-freedom-and-rights-monitoring-papua
[20] AMAN, "Catatan Akhir Tahun 2021: Tangguh di Tengah Krisis," AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/files/organization-document/57108Catatan%20Akhir%20Tahun%20AMAN,%202021%20Fix%20(1).pdf
[21] AMAN, "RUU Masyarakat Adat Masih Mandek Dalam Labirin Legislasi," AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://aman.or.id/news/read/2099
[22] Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2020 tentang Cipta Kerja. BPK RI. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/149750/uu-no-11-tahun-2020
[23] See: Hidayat, Yayan. (2025). Indonesia. In the Indigenous World 2025, edited by Dwayne Mamo. Available: https://iwgia.org/en/indonesia/5660-iw-2025-indonesia.html
[24] Peraturan Presiden Nomor 5 Tahun 2025 tentang Penertiban Kawasan Hutan. Hukum Online. [Online]. Available: https://www.hukumonline.com/pusatdata/detail/lt679b0357dca41/peraturan-presiden-nomor-5-tahun-2025/
[25] AMAN, "Catatan Akhir Tahun AMAN 2025: Di Tengah Krisis Berlapis: Masyarakat Adat Bertahan, Negara Mengabaikan", AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://aman.or.id/news/read/2283
[26] Barume, Albert K. (2025). Identification, demarcation, registration and titling of Indigenous Peoples' lands: practices and lessons. UN General Assembly, New York, 2025.
[27] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. (4 November 2025). Indonesia must recognise Indigenous Peoples and consider them partners — UN experts warn human rights violations including arbitrary detention, torture and enforced disappearance. Available: https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/11/indonesia-must-recognise-indigenous-peoples-and-consider-them-partnerships
[28] Mariani, D. R. H., & Hidayat, A. R. (2025). Marginalisasi dan diskriminasi masyarakat adat dalam film dokumenter Tanah Moyangku [Artikel penelitian]. Universitas Padjadjaran.
[29] BRWA, "Status Pengakuan Wilayah Adat di Indonesia," BRWA, Bogor, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://brwa.or.id/assets/image/rujukan/1754885406.pdf
[30] Kementerian Kehutanan RI. (4 November 2025). Minister Raja Antoni at the United for Wildlife Global Summit in Rio: Indonesia accelerates recognition of indigenous forests up to 1.4 million hectares. Kementerian Kehutanan Republik Indonesia. Available: https://www.kehutanan.go.id/news/minister-raja-antoni-at-the-united-for-wildlife-global-summit-in-rio-indonesia-accelerates-recognition-of-indigenous-forests-up-to-1-4-million-hectares
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Tags: Global governance
