The Indigenous World 2025: Indonesia

Written on 25 April 2025. Posted in Indonesia

Indonesia has a population of approximately 250 million people.^[1] The Indigenous Peoples’ Alliance of the Archipelago – Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN), an independent Indigenous organization that represents 2,512 Indigenous communities throughout Indonesia, totaling some 20 million individual members – estimates that the number of Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia stands at between 50 and 70 million individuals.^[2]

Since Indonesian independence in 1945, and as of 2024, the government’s transmigration program^[3] ha moved more than 10 million people from the densely populated islands of Java, Madura, Bali and Lombok to places that have large areas of land on the islands of Sumatra, Sulawesi, Kalimantan and Papua that are considered empty but which, in fact, are inhabited by Indigenous Peoples.^[4]

The third amendment to the Indonesian Constitution recognizes Indigenous Peoples’ rights in Article 18b-2.^[5] In more recent legislation, there is implicit recognition of some Indigenous Peoples’ rights, referred to as: Masyarakat Adat or Masyarakat Hukum Adat, including Act No. 5/1960 on Basic Agrarian Regulation,^[6] Act No. 39/1999 on Human Rights,^[7] and MPR Decree No. X/2001 on Agrarian Reform.^[8] Act No. 27/2007 on Management of the Coastal Zone and Small Islands^[9] and Act No. 32/2009 on the Environment^[10] clearly use the term Masyarakat Adat and use the working definition (in terms of characteristics) of AMAN.^[11] The Constitutional Court affirmed the constitutional rights of Indigenous Peoples to their land and territories in May 2013,^[12] including their collective rights to customary forests.

While Indonesia is a signatory to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), government officials argue that the concept of Indigenous Peoples is not applicable as almost all Indonesians (with the exception of the ethnic Chinese) are Indigenous and thus entitled to the same rights. Consequently, the government has rejected calls for specific needs from groups identifying as Indigenous.

West Papua covers the western part of the island of New Guinea and has been under Indonesian control since 1969 when control was taken over from the Netherlands. In 2022, the Government of Indonesia established four new provinces or so-called New Autonomous Regions (DOBs) in West Papua. The four new DOBs are Papua Tengah Province, Papua Pegunungan Province, Papua Selatan Province and Papua Barat Daya Province. With these four DOBs, along with the two existing provinces, namely Papua Province and West Papua Province, West Papua is now divided into six provinces.^[13]

Based on 2024 Central Bureau of Statistics data for each province, the total population in West Papua is 6.2 million people. This is up from a population of 4.4 million people divided across the two provinces in 2022. Since West Papua was divided into six provinces, there is no valid data on the number of Indigenous Papuans in each province. A portion of the population in the six provinces are migrants who came from other parts of Indonesia through government-sponsored transmigration programs. In big cities such as Jayapura, Merauke, Manowari and Sorong, the migrant population already outnumbers the Indigenous population, whereas in inland areas (mountains), the Indigenous population is still larger than the migrant population.^[14]

West Papua has the most diverse range of cultures and languages in Indonesia. While Bahasa Indonesia is the official language spoken now, there are more than 250 tribal languages spoken by Indigenous Papuans today.^[15] West Papua is divided into seven distinct customary territories: Mamberamo Tabi (Mamta), Saireri, Mee Pago, La Pago and Ha Anim in Papua province and Domberai and Bomberai in West Papua province.^[16]

Since Indonesia took control of the region in 1969, West Papuans have continued to seek independence from Indonesia. Ever since, Indigenous Peoples in West Papua have been faced with forced displacements,^[17] land grabbing,^[18] restricted access of foreign journalists and human rights monitors^[19] and so on

This article is part of the 39^th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here

Election of Prabowo Subianto

2024 was a year that greatly affected Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia, and one in which their political and legal situation worsened.

Prabowo Subianto was elected President in March 2024 following his predecessor, Joko Widodo.^[20] Subianto has emphasized a commitment to continue the previous regime's agenda, including moving the Nusantara State Capital (Ibu Kota Nusantara - IKN) to East Kalimantan.^[21] Claims have been made that the project is only being used as a political tool to obtain funding/investment without giving serious consideration to the fate of more than 20,000 Indigenous Peoples who are at risk of being displaced by this project.^[22] The current regime is simply a continuation of the previous, as exemplified by the fact that most of the previous regime's programs are ongoing. Further, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the elected Vice President, is the eldest son of former President Widodo and former Mayor of Surakarta. During his time as mayor, and throughout his nomination and election, his political career was replete with controversy.^[23]

The Prabowo-Gibran leadership is aimed towards investment and business interests.^[24] The decision to separate the Ministry of Environment and Forestry into two separate ministries, for example, is in the interest of forestry business and carbon trading.^[25] Additionally, the economic interests of Prabowo's regime can also be seen by the establishment of agencies and institutions to speed up business and investment, such as the Daya Anagata Nusantara Investment Management Board (Danantara) and even the maintaining of the Land Bank (Danantara) fund and investment management institution formed by President Prabowo Subianto to take more optimal care of State assets.^[26] Furthermore, the challenges and threat of Indigenous territory appropriation are increasing. There is no meaningful change in the new government's efforts to prioritize the agenda of recognition, protection and fulfillment of Indigenous Peoples' rights.^[27]

The new administration has also allowed the military's involvement to become even stronger. Recently, President Prabowo issued a Presidential Regulation that openly involves the military in forest area enforcement. Furthermore, various cooperation agreements between the military and the government took place throughout 2024 to secure State-critical objectives, including national strategic projects.^[28] The pretext of State-critical objectives embedded in national strategic projects is a justification for military involvement in the security framework.

As such, the sectors related to natural resources and Indigenous territories are highly vulnerable to confrontation with the military. In the conflict of Rempang Island in 2024, Indigenous Peoples were threatened with displacement due to a national strategic project and clashes occurred when joint forces of the Indonesian National Army (TNI) and the Indonesian National Police (POLRI) forced their way into the Indigenous village on Rempang Island, Riau Islands.^[29] At least six residents were arrested, and several others—including women and children—were the victims of tear gas.

Update on regulatory and business policies

Various policies, such as the Job Creation Law (UUCK),^[30] the Criminal Code (KUHP),^[31] the Law on the National Capital (UUIKN),^[32] the Mineral and Coal Law (UU Minerba),^[33] and a series of operational policies in many sectors, contain strong elements ignoring the existence of Indigenous Peoples and disregarding their rights.^[34] Further, while including several business and investment priorities, such as the new State Capital development, there is not a single priority program related to Indigenous Peoples among the 17 Presidential priority programs listed in the initial draft National Mid-Term Development Plan (RPJMN).^[35]

Stagnation of the Indigenous Peoples Bill

While the Indigenous Peoples Bill^[36] was eventually reintroduced into the National Legislation Program, the failure to deliberate and pass the bill in 2024 still highlights the weak commitment of both the Government and the Parliament.^[37] Contrary to this, throughout 2024, the Government and Parliament passed various laws and regulations aimed at serving investment interests and involving the appropriation of Indigenous lands, while the criminalization of Indigenous Peoples continues to violate their rights.^[38]

Discriminatory nature of land regulations

The Indigenous Peoples’ Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN) and the Civil Society Coalition have expressed their rejection^[39] of the implementation of Ministry of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/National Land Agency Regulation Number 14 of 2024^[40] on Land Administration and Registration of Indigenous Peoples’ Land, particularly in relation to the implementation of tenure rights over Indigenous territories. This is due to the failure of this regulation to strengthen the rights of Indigenous Peoples over their land, territories and resources. It contains fundamental errors that accelerate the loss of Indigenous territories from their control and potentially triggers conflicts. The regulation excludes lands on which tenure rights already exist and is discriminatory in nature, reflecting the government's neglect of the spirit of and efforts to restore Indigenous territories that have been appropriated by the State through laws and allocation to various investments.

Energy transition policy

Energy transition is used as a justification for various policies that allow the State to grant permits to corporations to appropriate Indigenous territories for national strategic projects such as coal power plants, nickel extraction and downstream processing, biodiesel, bioethanol, and others. These policies serve only as an opportunity to further strengthen corporate business under the guise of green policies.^[41] It is not just captive coal-fired power stations that have been built to support the energy business but also large-scale hydroelectric power plants such as the ones in Poso, which are aimed at securing an electricity supply for the mining industry, particularly for mineral refining.^[42] A 30,000-hectare Green Industrial Zone has been designated as a hub for the industrial sector, ultimately focused on the downstream processing of mined commodities, with the claim that it is supporting the Nusantara State Capital.^[43] The geothermal project in the Indigenous Poco Leok community in Manggarai, East Nusa Tenggara Province, and the Medco Group biomass power plant using wood fuel have cleared vast areas of Papua’s natural forests to establish plantations. These have blatantly violated the rights of the Poco Leok Indigenous Peoples in East Nusa Tenggara and the Marind people in Merauke, Papua, and have caused forced displacements from their customary lands.^[44]

Relocation of the Nusantara State Capital (Ibu Kota Nusantara - IKN)

The government is revising the Nusantara State Capital Law,^[45] which only strengthens the uncertainty surrounding the fate of 51 Indigenous communities in the Nusantara State Capital (Ibu Kota Nusantara – IKN)^[46] who are at risk of being displaced from their ancestral lands at any time due to a lack of legal guarantees over their land rights from the State. This demonstrates that the development of IKN is not intended to strengthen Indigenous Peoples as one of the key pillars of the nation’s diversity and identity. The revised law states that corporations are granted privileges by the State to appropriate and monopolize the lands of Indigenous Peoples in the IKN through the granting of 190 years of concession licenses for Cultivation Rights Titles (HGU) and 160 years for Right to Build (HGB). This situation places Indigenous Peoples in the Nusantara State Capital, particularly the Balik Sepaku Indigenous Peoples, at risk of extinction due to the developments taking place there.^[47]

Criminalization and violence against Indigenous Peoples 

Throughout 2024, AMAN recorded at least 121 cases of the appropriation of 2,824,118.36 hectares of Indigenous territories in 140 Indigenous Peoples’ communities by various sectors of the extractive industry such as plantations, forestry and mining, all of which are the sectors that saw the most conflict throughout 2024.^[48] Several factors contribute to the increasing trend towards conflict in the plantation and mining sectors, including the government's policy, which has opened up vast opportunities for extractive industry investment in plantations and mining.^[49] This has been further exacerbated by the low recognition and protection of Indigenous Peoples' rights and the centralization of natural resource management by the government. One major issue is that the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) has yet to be established as the foundation for government decisions regarding investment plans in Indigenous territories.^[50]

Strengthening the resilience of the Indigenous Peoples’ movement

The new government has not committed to protecting or respecting Indigenous Peoples, apart from mention of the Draft Law on Indigenous Peoples,^[51] made verbally by Vice President Gibran during the Vice-Presidential debate.^[52] At the regional level, however, the issue of Indigenous Peoples did in fact gain strength in many regions. This means that the space at regional level is more open, and thus needs to be continuously protected through movement consolidation and community empowerment as there is always a significant potential for that open space to close again.^[53]

Indigenous Peoples continue to face a government that favors business and investment, without any commitment to the protection of Indigenous Peoples' rights. However, the Indigenous Peoples’ movement is increasingly showing resilience and strength and, despite discrimination, land dispossession and violence being the main challenges for Indigenous Peoples throughout 2024, they have managed to rise and assert the struggle of Indigenous Peoples to protect their lands, territories and resources.

West Papua

West Papuan youth 

Many Indigenous Papuan youth communities exist in West Papua but, in general, they can be divided into two types. The first is the youth community facilitated by the Indonesian government. They often create youth organizations that they refer to as Papuan Indigenous youth organizations (not legal entities). However, these do not have a base and they are not characterized as defenders of Indigenous Papuans. This type is more likely to represent the interests of the government (State) in West Papua. Papua Youth Creative Hub (PYCH) is one example of this type of Papuan youth community and it is fostered by the State Intelligence Agency (BIN).^[54]

Meanwhile, the second type is a youth community that has emerged from the Indigenous Papuans. This is a community that represents the interests and aspirations of Indigenous Papuans and has a base in almost all Indigenous areas of Papua. This youth community has also formed several Indigenous youth organizations to fight for the rights of Indigenous Papuans. The most relevant Indigenous Papuan-based youth organizations in West Papua today are the Papuan Indigenous Youth under the Papua Customary Council (Dewan Adat Papua) and West Papua National Committee (KNPB).^[55]

There is also an Indigenous youth community affiliated to AMAN.^[56] This community more often organizes capacity-building activities for young Indigenous people as a part of their struggle to defend the rights of Indigenous Papuans.

Discrimination and stigma

KNPB is currently the youth organization in Papua that has the largest youth community base in West Papua. The formation of the KNPB community is based on Papuan customary areas from Sorong (Domberai) to Merauke (Ha Anim). KNPB, which was founded in 2008, is very consistent in fighting for the rights of Indigenous Papuans, especially the right to self-determination.

Since its inception, KNPB has been considered a radical Papuan youth group fighting for separatism.^[57] KNPB leaders have repeatedly been imprisoned^[58] and even killed.^[59] KNPB is also referred to as an extremist militant pro-independent Papuan group.^[60] However, this has not stopped them from fighting for their cause.

In 2024, KNPB organized a demonstration against the transmigration program that was planned to be reopened in West Papua by President Prabowo.^[61] This plan is opposed by Indigenous Papuans.^[62] However, increasingly strong State repression of Indigenous Papuans has caused a fear of expressing opposition. KNPB then organized Papuan youth and Indigenous people to reject the transmigration program in several cities in West Papua: in Jayapura, Nabire, Manokwari, Sorong, Yahukimo and Wamena.^[63]

In August 2024, KNPB also organized a protest in Papua to commemorate the 62^nd anniversary of the New York Agreement,^[64] which paved the way for Indonesia's annexation of West Papua. At least one demonstrator was reportedly injured by a rubber bullet and 95 were arrested by police on charges of assault and vandalism. Protests took place in the cities of Manokwari, Sorong Raya, Wamena and Yahukimo.^[65]

In March 2024, the Indonesian National Army (TNI) admitted to having detained 13 soldiers suspected of torturing a young man named Definus Kogoya in early February 2024 in Puncak Regency, Papua Tengah Province.^[66] The TNI claimed that Kogoya belonged to a separatist group, which he did not, that was arrested after it allegedly opened fire on officers guarding a health center in Omukia Village in Puncak Regency. However, Kogoya had previously been released by the police because there was insufficient evidence that he was in fact the perpetrator of the shooting of the health center guards in Omukia.^[67]

In September 2024, the Papuan youth community, together with the church community in Papua, organized a “Stations of the Cross” action to welcome Pope Francis to Indonesia.^[68] This was to express the Papuan people's concern at the violence in Papua, which has resulted in internal displacement. President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo received Pope Francis, who called for global harmony and equality among human beings.

The online post “All Eyes on Papua” circulated shortly after the action of several Awyu Tribe representatives at the Supreme Court office, Jakarta, on 27 May 2024.^[69] “All Eyes on Papua” is a campaign by the Awyu Tribe to prevent the expansion of oil palm plantations on their traditional lands, which is driving massive deforestation. Because of the expansion of oil palm plantations, the entire natural forest cover of West Papua was reduced by 663,000 hectares between 2011 and 2019.^[70] Meanwhile, deforestation of natural forests in Tanah Papua, over the January-February 2024 period, recorded 765.71 hectares.^[71]

The struggle of Indigenous Peoples in the southern part of West Papua continues. This is particularly in regard to the development of the National Strategic Project (PSN) food estate in Merauke, South Papua province, a company that is set to develop rice fields, sugarcane and bioethanol plantations under the guise of food security over an area of two million hectares. This has resulted in the heavy militarization of the area, along with land grabbing, forced displacements of Indigenous Peoples, deforestation and ecosystem degradation and pollution. This effort has been criticized and rejected by the local Indigenous people due to a lack of FPIC, environmental damage, and militarization. Furthermore, allegations have been made that the development sites of the project overlap, inter alia, with Indigenous Peoples’ customary forest areas, sacred places, ancestral paths, grounds and traditional conservation areas, as well as areas of high conservation value, which are being destroyed.^[72]

The Merauke PSN is divided into three parts. First, the 500,000-hectare sugarcane and bioethanol plantation development project. Second, the land optimization project, which was originally between 40,000 and 100,000 hectares. Third, a new rice field project managed by the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Agriculture with an area of one million hectares.^[73]

Internal displacement continues 

Around December 2024, hundreds of civilians in Oksop District, Pegunungan Bintang Regency, Papua Mountain Province, mainly belonging to the Indigenous Ngalum tribe, fled to the forest.^[74] They became anxious on seeing the deployment of military personnel to their villages and were not informed of the reason for the deployment. The military personnel are said to have entered along the paths used by the community to go to their gardens and forest. Apart from the Bintang Mountains, this displacement also occurred in Intan Jaya and Tambrauw regency.^[75] According to the Papua Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua), the armed conflict in West Papua over the 2018-2023 period resulted in 76,228 civilians being displaced, many of whom are Indigenous Papuans.^[76] A year earlier, the number of internally displaced people in West Papua reached 60,642, with 732 of them having died.^[77] Internally Displaced People (IDPs) refers to people who are forced to leave their homes but remain in the same country.^[78]

These IDPs are barely included in the existing State social protection system so their basic needs are scarcely met. In addition, IDP children cannot access basic education because they have not been registered in the Basic Education Data System (DAPODIK).^[79] Likewise, IDPs who have the right to participate in elections cannot vote because they are not registered and polling stations are not provided for them.^[80]

Terrorizing press freedom

In October 2024, the editorial office of Jubi Media was pelted with Molotov cocktails by unknown individuals. This was the first terror attack against press freedom using Molotov cocktails in Papua.^[81] Before Jubi's editorial office was bombed, there had been a series of terror attacks on the leadership of Jubi, which is known for consistently defending the rights of Indigenous Papuans.

Yayan Hidayat is an Indigenous person from Tebo, Jambi and a PhD Candidate in Political Science at the University of Indonesia. Mr. Hidayat is currently working for AMAN.

Victor Mambor is a senior journalist from Papua and founder of the leading Papua online media: jubi.id. As a journalist, his work covers more than 20 countries, mainly in the Pacific region. His articles on Papua can be found in The Jakarta Post, BenarNews, The Internationalist, The Guardian, Radio New Zealand (RNZ), ABC News and Al Jazeera. Together with several journalists in the Melanesian region, he formed the Melanesian Media Freedom Forum in 2019. His work has won the 2020 Best of Investigation Reporting award from the Indonesian Union of Print Media Companies (SPS) for his report on the riots in Wamena, Papua. He was also awarded the Freedom Fighter of the Press award from the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) in 2015 with Gao Yu (a Chinese journalist) and Andrea Nicodemo Idris (an Eritrean journalist). He received the Udin Award from for his consistency in promoting press freedom in Indonesia in 2022.  He also received an award as an influential media figure from the MAW Institute, an organization that develops knowledge in the field of Public Relations and Media based in Indonesia. In the same year he was nominated as a recipient of the Indonesian Press Council Award.

This article is part of the 39^th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here

Notes and references 

^[1] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[2] Ibid.

^[3] B. RI, “Rencana Kerja Pemerintah Tahun 2025: Akselerasi Pertumbuhan Ekonomi yang Inklusif dan Berkelanjutan,” Bappenas RI, Jakarta, 2024.

^[4] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[5] U.-U. D. N. R. I. 1945, “JDIH BPK,” 4 November 2023. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/101646/uud-no--. [Accessed on 13 January 2025].

^[6] U.-U. N. 5. T. 1960, “JDIH BPK RI,” 4 January 2023. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/51310/uu-no-5-tahun-1960. [Accessed on 16 February 2025].

^[7] U.-U. N. 3. T. 1999, “JDIH BPK RI,” 4 June 2023. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/45361/uu-no-39-tahun-1999. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[8] K. M. N. I. T. 2001, “FAO,” 9 November 2001. [Online]. Available: https://www.fao.org/faolex/results/details/en/c/LEX-FAOC143985/. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[9] U.-U. N. 2. T. 2007, “JDIH BPK RI,” 27 July 2007. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/39911/uu-no-27-tahun-2007. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[10] U.-U. N. 3. T. 2009, “JDIH BPK RI,” 3 October 2009. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/details/38771/uu-no-32-tahun-2009. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[11] M. Arman, Negara: Sebuah Masalah Masyarakat Adat, Jakarta: Lamalera, 2020.

^[12] M. Konstitusi, “aman.or.id,” 23 March 2018. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/putusan_sidang_35-PUU-2012-Kehutanan-telah-ucap-16-Mei-2013.pdf. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[13] Kompas. “6 Provinsi di Papua beserta Ibukotanya “ https://regional.kompas.com/read/2023/08/26/220042478/6-provinsi-di-papua-beserta-ibukotanya?page=all

^[14] Jubi. “Jumlah Orang Asli Papua semakin berkurang, bahkan di PBD sudah minoritas” https://jubi.id/tanah-papua/2024/jumlah-orang-asli-papua-semakin-berkurang-bahkan-di-pbd-sudah-minoritas/

^[15] Peta LOkasi Bahasa-Bahasa Daerah di Propinsi Irian Jaya https://www.sil.org/system/files/reapdata/82/25/11/82251156459381736844114448312784262289/PETA_LOKASI_BAHASA_BAHASA_DAERAH_DI_PROPINSI_IRIAN.pdf

^[16] Perpres Nomor 24 Tahun. 2023.

^[17] Jubi. “Riwayat pengungsian di Tanah Papua”. 18 December 2024. https://jubi.id/pasifik/2024/riwayat-pengungsian-di-tanah-papua/

^[18] Catatan Akhir Tahun. ”Perampasan Tanah, Kekerasan dan Deforestasi di Papua”. 2017. http://fransiskanpapua.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Laporan-Bersama-Catatan-Akhir-Tahun-2017-Vrs.pdf

^[19] Human Rights Watch. “Something to Hide – Indonesia’s Restrictions on Media Freedom and Rights Monitoring in Papua”. 10 November 2015. https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/11/11/something-hide/indonesias-restrictions-media-freedom-and-rights-monitoring-papua

^[20] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[21] O. I. K. Nusantara, “Pembangunan Terus Berlanjut Presiden Prabowo Setujui Anggaran untuk Pembangunan IKN Tahap Kedua,” OIKN, Jakarta, 2025.

^[22] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun AMAN 2023: Masyarakat Adat di Tahun Politik: Ditengah Hukum Represif & Cengkraman Oligarki,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2023.

^[23] I. C. Watch, “Catatan 100 Hari Prabowo - Gibran dan Proyeksi Pemberantasan Korupsi 2025,” ICW, Jakarta, 2025.

^[24] A. Adri, “kompas.id,” 9 January 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.kompas.id/artikel/capaian-100-hari-bidang-industri-dinilai-positif. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[25] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[26] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun AMAN 2023: Masyarakat Adat di Tahun Politik: Ditengah Hukum Represif & Cengkraman Oligarki,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2023.

^[27] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[28] WALHI, “WALHI,” WALHU, 24 January 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.walhi.or.id/militerisasi-di-kawasan-hutan-ancaman-bagi-masyarakat-respon-terhadap-perpres-5-tahun-2025-tentang-penertiban-kawasan-hutan. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[29] Y. Hidayat, “Kolom Tempo,” Tempo, 21 September 2023. [Online]. Available: https://www.tempo.co/kolom/tanah-masyarakat-adat-pulau-rempang-820741. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[30] U. N. 1. T. 2020, “JDIH BPK RI,” 2 November 2020. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/149750/uu-no-11-tahun-2020. [Accessed on 6 November 2025].

^[31] U. N. 1. T. 2023, “JDIH BPK RI,” 2 January 2023. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/234935/uu-no-1-tahun-2023. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[32] U. N. 3. T. 2022, “JDIH BPK RI,” 12 February 2022. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/198400/uu-no-3-tahun-2022. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[33] U. N. 3. T. 2020, “JDIH BPK RI,” 10 June 2020. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/138909/uu-no-3-tahun-2020. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[34] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[35] B. RI, “Rencana Kerja Pemerintah Tahun 2025: Akselerasi Pertumbuhan Ekonomi yang Inklusif dan Berkelanjutan,” Bappenas RI, Jakarta, 2024.

^[36] D. RI, “Rancangan Undang-Undang Masyarakat Hukum Adat,” DPR RI, Jakarta, 2022.

^[37] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[38] Ibid.

^[39] AMAN, “AMAN,” 24 September 2024. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/files/publication-documentation/3745SURAT%20TERBUKA%20PENOLAKAN%20HPL%20MENTERI%20ATR-BPN%20RI_Final.pdf. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[40] K. ATR/BPN, “JDIH BPK RI,” 27 February 2024. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/280736/permen-atrkepala-bpn-no-14-tahun-2024. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[41] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[42] Ibid.

^[43] E. Alvin Putra Sisdwinugraha, “Indonesia Energy Transition Outlook 2025: Navigating Indonesia's Energy Transition at the Crossroad,” Institute for Essential Service Reform, Jakarta, 2025.

^[44] S. Welan, “aman.or.id,” 2023 August 2023. [Online]. Available: https://aman.or.id/news/read/1664. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[45] U. N. 1. T. 2020, “JDIH BPK RI,” 2 November 2020. [Online]. Available: https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/Details/149750/uu-no-11-tahun-2020. [Accessed on 6 November 2025].

^[46] AMAN, “aman.or.id,” 22 January 2024. [Online]. Available: https://aman.or.id/regional-news/mendesak-pemerintah-pusat-dan-badan-otorita-ikn-untuk-segera-menghentikan-seluruh-proses-pembangunan-ikn. [Accessed on 6 February 2025].

^[47] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun AMAN 2023: Masyarakat Adat di Tahun Politik: Ditengah Hukum Represif & Cengkraman Oligarki,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2023.

^[48] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[49] Ibid.

^[50] Ibid.

^[51] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun AMAN 2023: Masyarakat Adat di Tahun Politik: Ditengah Hukum Represif & Cengkraman Oligarki,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2023.

^[52] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun 2024: Transisi Kekuasaan dan Masa Depan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2025. [Online]. Available: https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/292

^[53] AMAN, “Catatan Akhir Tahun AMAN 2023: Masyarakat Adat di Tahun Politik: Ditengah Hukum Represif & Cengkraman Oligarki,” AMAN, Jakarta, 2023.

^[54] Liputan 6. “Hasil Binaan BIN, PYCH Siap Bawa Budaya Papua Go Internasional ke Belanda”. 18 April 2024. https://www.liputan6.com/news/read/5576079/hasil-binaan-bin-pych-siap-bawa-budaya-papua-go-internasional-ke-belanda

^[55] Taliawo, R. G., Subekti, V. S. and Pasha, J. A. “Resisting without violence: KNPB and transnational advocacy network towards West Papua Referendum”. 2023. International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 19 (2): 109–129. https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.5

^[57] Aliansi Demokrasi untuk Papua (AIDP) dan TAPOL (UK). ”Makar Dan Tahanan Politik di Tanah Papua”. 2024. https://www.tapol.org/sites/default/files/AIDPxTAPOL%20-%20Makar%20dan%20Tahanan%20Politik%20di%20Tanah%20Papua%20%5B2024%5D%20%28versi%20ID%29-compressed.pdf

^[58] Human Rights Monitor. “KNPB activists found guilty – Mr Agus Kosay sentenced to 1 year, Mr Beni Murib sentenced to 10 months imprisonment”. Human Rights News / Indonesia, West Papua. 9 February 2024. https://humanrightsmonitor.org/news/knpb-activists-found-guilty-mr-agus-kosay-sentenced-to-1-year-mr-beni-murib-sentenced-to-10-months-imprisonment/

^[59] TAPOL. ”Militerisasi, Konflik, dan Ketidakadilan di Kabupaten Maybrat, Papua Barat”. 17 February 2022. https://www.tapol.org/id/publications/militerisasi-konflik-dan-ketidakadilan-di-kabupaten-maybrat-papua-barat-0

^[60] Nasir, Juhra. “KNPB di Tambrauw Berusaha Sebar Paham Separatis ke Masyarakat saat Deklarasi”. 11 June 2023. https://www.detik.com/sulsel/hukum-dan-kriminal/d-6766929/knpb-di-tambrauw-berusaha-sebar-paham-separatis-ke-masyarakat-saat-deklarasi

^[61] Utama, Abraham. ”Pemerintahan Prabowo berencana hidupkan lagi transmigrasi ke Papua – Mengapa orang asli Papua cemas?” BBC News Indonesia, 31 October 2024. https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/articles/c74le8wel5zo

^[62] Mambor, Victor. “Papuans worry about new Indonesian leader Prabowo’s plan to revive transmigration”. Benar News, 4 November 2024. https://www.benarnews.org/english/news/indonesian/papuans-protest-resuming-transmigration-plan-11042024090240.html

^[63] Marten, Timoteus. ”KNPB tolak transmigrasi karena OAP akan tersingkir”. Jubi Papua, 16 November 2024. https://jubi.id/mamta/2024/knpb-tolak-transmigrasi-karena-oap-akan-tersingkir/

^[64] Human Rights Monitor. “The Papua Monitor: Q3/2024. October 2024 Update: Human Rights and Conflict Developments in West Papua, Indonesia - Covering Events from 1 July to 30 September 2024 (3rd quarter 2024)”. 2024. https://humanrightsmonitor.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/HRM-PMR-2024-3-Papua-Monitor-Oct-2024.pdf

^[65] Mambor, Victor. “Papua independence protesters seek papal intervention after clashes with Indonesian forces”. Benar News, 16 August 2024. https://www.benarnews.org/english/news/pacific/pac-papua-unrest-08162024004642.html

^[66] Idrus, Pizaro Gozali. “TNI tahan 13 tentara yang diduga menyiksa warga sipil Papua”. Benar News, 25 March 2024. https://www.benarnews.org/indonesian/berita/tni-tahan-13-tentara-penyiksa-warga-papua-03252024121350.html

^[67] Pratama, Fransiskus Adryanto. “Tak Cukup Bukti, Polisi Bebaskan Definus Kogoya yang Disiksa TNI”. Tirto, 26 March 2024. https://tirto.id/tak-cukup-bukti-polisi-bebaskan-definus-kogoya-yang-disiksa-tni-gXir

^[68] BBC Indonesia. “Mengapa ritual 'Jalan Salib' dipilih orang-orang Papua untuk menarik perhatian Paus Fransiskus soal Papua?” BBC Indonesia, 5 September 2024. https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/articles/c3vxy6qev4go

^[69] Utama, Abraham. “All Eyes on Papua - ‘Mengapa baru sekarang ramai-ramai bicarakan persoalan di Papua’?” BBC News Indonesia, 6 Juni 2024. https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/articles/cxee799052xo

^[70] Koalisi Indonesia Memantua. “Menatap ke Timur. Deforestasi dan Pelepasan Kawasan Hutan di Tanah Papua”. Jakarta, Indonesia, 2021. https://auriga.or.id/cms/uploads/pdf_id/report/7/1/deforestasi_dan_pelepasan_kawasan_hutan_di_tanah_papua_id.pdf

^[71] Wicaksono, Raden Ariyo. “Deforestasi Tanah Papua: Dua Bulan Sudah 765 Ha”. 29 March 2024. https://betahita.id/news/detail/10068/deforestasi-tanah-papua-dua-bulan-sudah-765-ha.html

^[72] BBC News Indonesia. “Militer dilibatkan dalam proyek Food Estate di Merauke, masyarakat adat 'ketakutan' – ‘Kehadiran tentara begitu besar seperti zona perang’”. BBC News Indonesia, 28 October 2024. https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/articles/cx2ymye345do

^[73] Portal Informasi Indonesia. ”Mimpi Besar dari Tanah Papua”. 13 November 2024. https://indonesia.go.id/kategori/editorial/8763/mimpi-besar-dari-tanah-papua?lang=1

^[74] Human Rights Monitor. ”IDP Update December 2024: Security raids trigger new displacements in Nduga, Intan Jaya, Tambrauw and Pegunungan Bintang”. Human Rights News, 13 December 2024. https://humanrightsmonitor.org/news/idp-update-december-2024-security-raids-trigger-new-displacements-in-tambrauw-and-pegunungan-bintang/

^[75] Human Rights Monitor. “IDP Update September 2024: New Research on IDPs in West Papua underlines urgent need for Government action”. Human Rights News, 19 September 2024. https://humanrightsmonitor.org/reports/idp-update-september-2024-new-research-on-idps-in-west-papua-underlines-urgent-need-for-government-action/

^[76] BBC News Indonesia. “'Kado Natal terburuk untuk orang Papua' – Ratusan warga Pegunungan Bintang mengungsi usai pengerahan militer, bagaimana kronologinya?”. BBC News Indonesia, 13 December 2024. https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/articles/clyx8d7k3dgo

^[77] The Conversation Indonesia. “Pengungsi Internal di Papua Hadapi Kerentanan Berlapis - 3 Langkah Mengoptimalkan Perlindungan Sosial bagi Mereka”. The Conversation Indonesia. 24 November 2023. https://theconversation.com/pengungsi-internal-di-papua-hadapi-kerentanan-berlapis-3-langkah-mengoptimalkan-perlindungan-sosial-bagi-mereka-218026

^[78] Ibid.

^[79] Pelle, Imma. “BPMP Papua gelar FGD terkait nasib siswa pengungsi Nduga”. Jubi Papua, 26 September 2024. https://jubi.id/polhukam/2024/bpmp-papua-gelar-fgd-terkait-nasib-siswa-pengungsi-nduga/

^[80] Kompas.com. “Nestapa Pengungsi Nduga Papua, Bertahun-tahun Terusir dari Rumah, Kini Hak Suara Direnggut Paksa. Kompas.com, 15 February 2024. https://regional.kompas.com/read/2024/02/15/060600278/nestapa-pengungsi-nduga-papua-bertahun-tahun-terusir-dari-rumah-kini-hak?page=all

^[81] Kompas.tv. “Tanggapan Dewan Pers Soal Insiden Pelemparan Bom Molotov”. Kompas.tv, 16 October 2024. https://www.kompas.tv/regional/546410/tanggapan-dewan-pers-soal-insiden-pelemparan-bom-molotov

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