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The Indigenous World, IWGIA’s annual global report on the state of indigenous peoples' rights, has been published every year since 1987. 

The Indigenous World documents the state of indigenous peoples' rights in countries on all continents with detailed country reports authored by distinguished experts, indigenous activists and scholars. 

It is our hope that indigenous peoples and their organizations will find the Indigenous World useful in their advocacy work of improving indigenous peoples’ human rights situation. It is also IWGIA’s wish and hope that the Indigenous World will be useful to a wider audience interested in indigenous issues, and that it can be used as a reference book and a basis for obtaining further information on the situation of indigenous peoples worldwide. The Indigenous World is, in that sense, an essential source of information and a tool or those who need to be informed about the most recent issues for indigenous peoples worldwide.

Read all the to-the-point summaries of the country reports here or download The Indigenous World. 

The Amazighs are the Indigenous People of Algeria and other countries of North Africa. However, the Algerian government does not recognise the Indigenous status of the Amazigh and refuses to publish statistics on their population. Because of this, there is no official data on the number of Amazighs in Algeria.

On the basis of demographic data drawn from the territories in which Tamazight-speaking populations live, associations defending and promoting the rights of Amazigh people estimate the Tamazight-speaking population to be around 12 million people, a third of Algeria’s total population.

The Amazigh peoples

The Amazighs of Algeria are concentrated in five territories: Kabylia in the north-east (Kabyls represent around 50% of Algeria’s Amazigh population), Aurès in the east, Chenoua, a mountainous region on the Mediterranean coast to the west of Algiers, M’zab in the south (Taghardayt), and Tuareg territory in the Sahara (Tamanrasset, Adrar, Djanet).

Many small Amazigh communities also exist in the south-west (Tlemcen, Bechar, etc.) and in other places scattered throughout the country. It is also important to note that large cities such as Algiers, Oran, Constantine, etc., are home to several hundred thousand people who are historically and culturally Amazigh but who have been partly Arabised over the years, succumbing to a gradual process of acculturation and assimilation.

Tamazight, the language of the Amazigh peoples

The Indigenous populations can primarily be distinguished from Arab inhabitants by their language (Tamazight) but also by their way of life and their culture (clothes, food, songs and dances, beliefs, etc.). After decades of demands and popular struggles, the Amazigh language was finally recognised as a “national and official language” in Algeria’s Constitution in 2016.

But, in the facts, the Amazigh identity continues to be marginalised and folklorised by state institutions. Officially, Algeria is still presented as an “Arab country” and “land of Islam”, and anti-Amazigh laws are still in force (such as the 1992 Law of arabisation).

Main challenges for the Amazigh peoples

Internationally, Algeria has ratified the main international standards, and it voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007. However these texts remain unknown to the vast majority of citizens, and thus not applied, which has led to the UN treaty-monitoring bodies making numerous observations and recommendations to Algeria urging it to meet its international commitments.

The Amazigh peoples face arbitrary arrests in different regions of the country. For example, in 2016, the total number of Mozarabic and Amazigh people in the M'zab region arrested and sent to jail normally without trial was around 140. In protest against their illegal detention and inhuman detention conditions, some prisoners of Mozabite resorted to repeated hunger strikes.

In Kabylia, traditional activities and events of the Amazigh organized by non-governmental organizations such as Yennayer, Amazigh Year Year or Amazigh Spring, have been interrupted, forbidden or prevented by force by the police. Members of the Amazigh World Congress (CMA) living in Kabylia have been arrested, interrogated and then released several times. In police custody, they were threatened with imprisonment and violence against their families if they do not stop their activism.

The obstacles in relation to free movement on the Algerian border with northern Mali and the Niger continue to impede traditional exchanges between indigenous populations and deprive them of family and community relations.

Botswana is a country of 2,317,233 inhabitants. Although Botswana voted in favor and adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the Indigenous peoples of the country are not recognized by the government and are among the most disadvantaged people of Botswana, with a high percentage of life by below the poverty line.

3.14% of the population identifies as belonging to Indigenous groups. These include: the San (known in Botswana as the Basarwa), who number around 68,000; the Balala (2,350); and the Nama (2,750), a Khoekhoe-speaking people. The San were in the past traditionally hunter-gatherers but today the vast majority consists of small-scale agro-pastoralists, cattle post workers, or people with mixed economies. They belong to a large number of sub-groups, most with their own languages, in- cluding the Ju/’hoansi, Bugakhwe, Khwe-ǁAni, Ts’ixa, ǂX’ao-ǁ’ae- n,!Xóõ, ǂHoan, ‡Khomani, Naro, G/ui, G//ana, Tsasi, Deti, Shua, Tshwa, Cuaa, Kua, Danisi and /Xaise. The San, Balala and Nama are among the most underprivileged people in Botswana, with a high percentage living below the poverty line. Of the San, only an estimated 300 people are full-time hunter-gatherers.

Botswana is a signatory to the Conventions on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), on the rights of the child (CRC) and on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination (CERD).

However, Botswana has not signed ILO 169, the international legal instrument that specifically addresses the rights of Indigenous and tribal peoples. In addition, there are no specific laws on the rights of Indigenous peoples in the country nor is the concept of Indigenous peoples included in the constitution of Botswana.

Main challenges for the San, Balala and Nama

It remains a struggle for Indigenous peoples in Botswana to remain on their lands. People living in protected areas are under constant threat of being relocated by central government or district councils.

Another struggle of the Indigenous peoples of Botswana is the drought. Although President Khama has declared a national drought emergency authorizing food deliveries and cash-for-work programs in many parts of the country, there have been no food deliveries or pensions to the villages in the Central Kalahari Game or in the village of Ranyane. .

The fracking is being carried out by oil and mining companies in what is known as the Nama Basin in the Kgalagadi District. Residents of the communities of San and Bakgalagadi have complained that fracking results in a drop in the water table, less access to water from the well in the village and high levels of toxic chemicals and salts in the water, which makes it Virtually not drinkable.
 
Discussions about non-hunting and anti-poaching policies in Botswana continue to intensify, while the Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism defends the political controversy to address threats to Botswana's wildlife base. The people of San have been pressing the government for a greater explanation of their wildlife policies and the search for compensation for crops, livestock and the loss of human lives to wild animals.

Advances in cultural and political participation

In August 2016, a Nama cultural festival was held in the Kgalagadi district and a Kuru dance festival in Dqae Qare. The Kuru Dance Festival brought together the San, Bakgalagadi, Mbukushu, Herero, Tswana and many other peoples from around the world. the country, and it was an expression of cultural pride on the part of the groups.

Some San also participated in the celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the independence of Botswana held in Gaborone in September 2016.
 
San organizations and other NGOs in Botswana had problems in part due to lack of funds in 2016. San Youth Network (SYNet) continued to publish on their websites written by young people about women's rights, children's rights and the climate change.

The Peul and the Tuareg are the main Indigenous groups of Burkina Faso, but they are not officially recognized by the state. While Burkina Faso voted in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on September 13, 2007, the Constitution of the country does not recognize the existence of Indigenous Peoples.

The Constitution guarantees education and health for all its citizens, but due to lack of resources and adequate infrastructure, nomadic populations in practice can only enjoy these rights in a very limited way.

Main Indigenous Peoples of Burkina Faso: the Peul and the Tuareg

Burkina Faso has a population of 21.510.1811 comprising some 60 different ethnic groups. The Indigenous Peoples include the pastoralist Peul (also called the fulbe duroobe egga hoɗɗaaɓe, or, more commonly, duroobe or egga hoɗɗaaɓe) and the Tuareg. There are no reliable statistics on the exact number of pastoralists in Burkina Faso. They can be found throughout the whole country but are particularly concentrated in the northern regions of Séno, Soum, Baraboulé, Djibo, Liptaako, Yagha and Oudalan. The Peul and the Tuareg most often live in areas which are geographically isolated, dry and economically marginalised and they are often the victims of human rights abuses.

Peul pastoralists are gradually becoming sedentarised in some parts of Burkina Faso. There are, however, still many who remain nomadic, following seasonal migrations and travelling hundreds of kilometres into neighbouring countries, particularly Togo, Benin and Ghana. Unlike other populations in Burkina Faso, the nomadic Peul are pastoralists whose whole lives are governed by the activities necessary for the survival of their animals and many of them still reject any activity not related to extensive livestock rearing.

Main challenges for the Peul

Burkinabe nomadic pastoralists, even if innocent of any crime, have thus been subjected to numerous acts of violence: their houses burned, their possessions stolen, their animals killed or disappeared, children and the elderly killed, bodies left to decay and their families forbidden from retrieving them.

Many are displaced by force, and the main problem is their security. A considerable number of Peul herders have suffered cattle theft, which in recent years has led to the emergence of local self-defense groups known as Koglweogo, intended to help ensure the safety of nomadic pastoralists.

Advances in the participation of pastoralists

The nomadic Indigenous movement of pastoralists in Burkina Faso has led to the emergence of a group of pastoralist leaders known as Rugga. In October 2016, around 40 of them were part of a Congress organized in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso.

Rougga's vision focuses on achieving peaceful pastoralist societies by turning to internal pastoral specialists. It also exists in other countries such as Niger and can be considered a true indigenous movement, aware of the challenges faced by pastoralists.

In Cameroon, hunter-gatherers and Mbororo constitute the largest groups of Indigenous Peoples. Cameroon voted in favor and adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, but has not yet ratified ILO Convention 169.

The Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon uses the Indigenous and minority terms in its preamble. However, it is not clear who this refers to. However, with the evolution of international law, civil society and the government increasingly use the term Indigenous to refer to Indigenous Peoples in Cameroon.

The Baka, Wodaabe and other Indigenous Peoples in Cameroon

0.4% of the total population of Cameroon are hunter-gatherers known as Bagyéli or Bakola, which is estimated to number some 4,000 people, the Baka, estimated at around 40,000, and the Bedzan, estimated at around 300 people. The Baka live above all in the eastern and southern re- gions of Cameroon. The Bakola and Bagyéli live in an area of around 12,000 km2 in the south of Cameroon, particularly in the districts of Akom II, Bipindi, Kribi and Lolodorf. Finally, the Bedzang live in the central region, to the north-west of Mbam in the Ngambè Tikar region.

The Mbororo people living in Cameroon are estimated to number over one million and they make up approx. 12% of the population. They live primarily along the borders with Nigeria, Chad and the Central African Republic. Three groups of Mboro- ro are found in Cameroon: the Wodaabe in the Northern Region; the Jafun, who live primarily in the North-West, West, Adama- wa and Eastern Regions; and the Galegi, popularly known as the Aku, who live in the East, Adamawa, West and North-West Regions.

Progress: Political participation and recognition

Through their respective organizations, Indigenous Peoples participated in the activities of CISPAV (Committee of Suivi des Programs et Projets Impliquant les Poblations Autochtones Vulnérables). This committee was created by the Ministry of Social Affairs, and its objectives are the identification and centralization of needs for the socioeconomic inclusion of Indigenous Peoples, the evaluation of human, technical and financial resources available and necessary to implement the main development activities in favor of Indigenous Peoples: coordination and supervision of all programs within the different sectoral administrative bodies, NGOs and CSOs in favor of Indigenous Peoples: make proposals on how to improve all actions that can better serve the indigenous peoples Indigenous Peoples.

In 2017, all the laws that came under review that year, such as forest and wildlife laws, the law on land tenure and the pastoral code to which Indigenous Peoples and civil society made important contributions. They are still pending approval.

In 2018, with the creation of the Platform of Indigenous Peoples and the REDD + process, Indigenous Peoples will be able to position themselves better and have a greater capacity for negotiation in the process to obtain benefits for their communities.

Despite the various efforts of civil society and international partners, the situation of Indigenous Peoples in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has not yet reached many key milestones.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo supported the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on September 13, 2007. It is also noteworthy that programs related to climate change in the Democratic Republic of the Congo relate to the rights of the Indigenous Peoples.

The Mbuti, Baka and Batwa peoples

The concept of “Indigenous Pygmy People” is accepted and approved by the government and civil society organisations (CSOs) in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the DRC, the term refers to the Mbuti, Baka and Batwa peoples. 

The exact number of Indigenous Pygmy People in the DRC is unknown. The government estimates it at around 700,000 (1% of the Congolese population) but CSOs give a figure of up to 2,000,000 (3% of the population). They are widely acknowledged as the first inhabitants of the national rainforests.

They live in nomadic and semi-nomadic groups throughout virtually all of the country’s provinces. Indigenous Peoples’ lives are closely linked to the forest and its resources: they practise hunting, gathering and fishing and treat their illnesses through the use of their own pharmacopeia and medicinal plants. The forest lies at the heart of their culture and living environment.

Main challenges for the Mbuti, Baka and Batwa peoples

The situation of Indigenous Peoples in the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains a cause for great concern as their ancestral lands and natural resources face increasing external pressure and are forced to renounce their traditional economy and live on the margins of society in extreme poverty.

Furthermore, it is little recognised that their traditional knowledge and practices have significantly contributed to preserving the Congolese forests. Worse, Indigenous Pygmy People’s customary rights are blatantly ignored, and Indigenous groups are often evicted from their traditional territories with neither consent nor compensation. This tenure insecurity has dramatic socioeconomic consequences – from ethnic identity loss to lethal conflicts, as recently occurred in Tanganyika and around the Kahuzi-Biega National Park.

Unless their rights, guaranteed by international standards, are duly protected, the living space of indigenous peoples will be further reduced, depriving them of the resources they depend on for their survival and resulting in the disappearance of their culture.

The situation of the human rights of the Indigenous Peoples in the country is alarming. In the Katanga region, there is an increasing number of Batwa Indigenous People killed in an ethnic conflict with neighboring communities such as Luba. The process of adopting a specific law designed to provide special protection for Indigenous Peoples in the country is still stalled in Parliament. So far, conflicts in Katanga have caused more than 200 deaths, more than 13 villages have been burned down and it is estimated that there are more than 100,000 internally displaced people.

Advances in policy dialogue on Indigenous Peoples in the DRC

In June 2016, the first multi-stakeholder political dialogue on Indigenous Peoples in the country was held. The initiative was financed by the International Fund for Agriculture and Development (IFAD) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and was implemented with the collaboration of the International Working Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) and the organization national coordinator Dynamique des Groupes des Peuples Autochtones.

The Policy Dialogue aimed to promote the implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Another potential progress is the launch by the World Bank of the Dedicated Grant Mechanism for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (DGM), which intends to improve the capacity of Indigenous Peoples and support initiatives to strengthen their participation in processes at the local level, national and global.

In 2020, the DRC showed the world its commitment to protecting and promoting the rights of Indigenous people through several breakthroughs, including some major progress on the proposed Law on the promotion and protection of Indigenous Pygmy People’s rights.

There are nine officially recognized ethnic groups in Eritrea. Eritrea has not adopted the United Nations Declaration on the rights of Indigenous Peoples and there are no representative organizations that defend the rights of Indigenous Peoples. Therefore, the Indigenous Peoples of Eritrea face a series of challenges.

Eritrea is a State Party to CERD, CEDAW and CRC, but not ILO Convention 169, an international legal instrument that specifically addresses the rights of Indigenous and tribal peoples. There is a large gap between the commitments made through these treaties and the actual practice of the government.

Eritrea does not have a national legislative or institutional framework that protects the rights of Indigenous Peoples. The rights of Indigenous Peoples are not formally recognized, nor are there representative organizations that defend the rights of Indigenous Peoples.

In addition, the country does not have an operational constitution or functional parliament and has never held free and fair national elections.

Indigenous Peoples in Eritrea

 

There are nine officially recognized ethnic groups in Eritrea, Afar, Blien, Hidareb, Kunama, Nara, Rashaida, Saho, Tigre and Tigrinya. In an Eritrean context, reference to Indigenous Peoples is primarily based on the claim of indigeneity made by some Eritrean ethnic groups such as the Afar, Kunama, Saho and Nara. Lately, a newly-formed political movement known as Agazian is also making radical claims of indigeneity.

The current population of Eritrea is between 4.4 and 5.9 million, and there are at least 4 Indigenous Peoples. Data on the exact number of ethnic groups and the socio-economic status of Indigenous groups are hardly available.

In Eritrea, the language and the official name of each ethnic group are the same. The Jeberti and Tigrinya groups share their language.

Main challenges for the Indigenous groups of Eritrea

A major struggle of ethnic groups in Eritrea is related to different group identities. The request made by the Jeberti in the early 1990s was met with a draconian persecution of their representatives, and since then no such claim has been taken into account in the country. All other similar claims, including indigeneity claims, are now made by exile activists and political groups.

Another struggle is related to areas of natural resources. The Eritrean government has concluded long-term mining agreements with foreign companies that exploit natural resources on lands belonging to potential Indigenous groups.

It is said that the land rights of Indigenous groups have been violated by the government's policy of encouraging mountaineers to settle on lands traditionally owned by lowland dwellers and to convert the land into state property, undermining the systems traditional land tenure of the clans and leading agropastoralists and new settlers.

The nomadic and semi-nomadic Indigenous Peoples are deprived of their traditional grazing and herding lands. The pressure to abandon their traditional territories is intensified by the confiscation of their animals and the feeling of the traditionally used plants, shrubs and trees on which their grazing activities depend. In addition, when Indigenous Peoples have established or established businesses, such as salt extraction or fishing along the coast, these lands are confiscated without compensation.

In 2017, the Special Rapporteur detailed new crimes against Indigenous Peoples, including the attack of a combat helicopter on an Afar fishing boat that killed one person and injured 7, and the extreme situation of the Afar refugees in Yemen who fled to escape the severe violations of rights.

Ethiopia does not have national legislation that protects indigenous peoples. Ethiopia has not ratified ILO Convention 169, nor was it present during the vote on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007.

The obligations of Ethiopia under the international human rights mechanisms that have been ratified, p. the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination - remains unfulfilled.

The Indigenous Peoples of Ethiopia make up a significant pro- portion of the country’s estimated population of 110 million. Around 15% are pastoralists and sedentary farmers who live across the country but particularly in the Ethiopian lowlands, which constitute some 61% of the country’s total landmass. There are also several hunter-gatherer communities, including the forest-dwelling Majang (Majengir) and Anuak peoples, who live in the Gambella region.

In Ethiopia, more than 80 languages are spoken, and the greatest diversity is found in the southwest. Two-thirds of the population speak Amharic, Oromo, Tigrinya and Somali.

Main challenges for Indigenous Peoples in Ethiopia

The pastoralists of Ethiopia live on lands that, in recent years, have become the subject of great demand from foreign investors. It is believed that Ethiopia has the largest livestock population in Africa, a large part of which is concentrated in pastoralist communities that live on land that, in recent years, has become the subject of high demand from foreign investors (land grabbing). This land grab, a government policy that leases vast fertile land to foreign and national companies, continues to negatively affect indigenous peoples.

The government considers that its land investment policy is important to maximize the usefulness of the land through the development of "underutilized" lands in the lowlands. However, the selected lands are the source of sustenance for some 15 million indigenous peoples: pastoralists, small farmers and hunter-gatherers, whose customary rights over land are constantly violated.

Ethiopian village policy, a policy for the resettlement of people in designated villages, has also forced indigenous peoples to relocate. Although villagization is designed to provide "access to basic socio-economic infrastructure" to people who relocate, the resources provided by the government have proved insufficient to sustain people in the new villages. The access of indigenous peoples to medical care, as well as to primary and secondary education, remains inadequate.

Indigenous peoples in the Gambela regions and the lower Omo valley have been affected by the policy of foreign investment and land lease and the government's village program.

Conflict in Gambella

Since the mid-1990s, the Gambella region in Ethiopia witnessed factional fighting and inter-communal violence between the Anuak and the Nuer, mainly for resources and for socio-cultural reasons.

The increase in ethnic tensions between the Anuak and the Nuer is fueled by the porous border between South Sudan and Ethiopia. Gambella already shelters some 330,211 refugees from South Sudan, due to the ongoing conflict in the country, which continues to displace people inside the country and forcing them to enter neighbouring countries. Ethiopia is currently the second largest refugee receiving country in South Sudan, the vast majority of which have found refuge in Gambella.

Along with the increase in the Nuer population, tensions and violence have intensified with the Anuak communities over traditional land claims and access to jobs. Land use rights in Gambella remain controversial.

Indigenous Peoples in Kenya include hunter-gatherers such as Ogiek, Sengwer, Yaaku Waata and Sanya, while pastoralists include Endorois, Turkana, Maasai, Samburu and others.

Kenya does not have specific legislation on Indigenous Peoples and has not yet adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratifies Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization. The Indigenous Peoples of Kenya face scarcity and insecurity of land and resources, poor services and discrimination.

However, Kenya has ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Racial (CERD) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).

Chapter Four of the Constitution of Kenya contains a progressive Bill of Rights that makes international law a key component of the laws of Kenya and guarantees the protection of minorities and marginalized groups. In accordance with articles 33, 34, 35 and 36, freedom of expression, means of communication and access to information and association are guaranteed. However, the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) is not made in Kenya.

Indigenous Peoples in Kenya

In Kenya, the people who identify with the Indigenous movement are mainly nomadic herders and hunter-gatherers, as well as some fishing villages and small farming communities. It is estimated that pastoralists comprise 25% of the national population, while the largest individual hunter-gatherer community amounts to approximately 79,000.

The pastoralists mainly occupy the arid and semi-arid lands of northern Kenya and towards the border between Kenya and Tanzania in the south.

The hunter-gatherers include the Ogiek, Sengwer, Yiaku, Waata and Aweer (Boni), while the pastoralists include the Turkana, Rendille, Borana, Maasai, Samburu, Ilchamus, Somali, Gabra, Pokot, Endorois and others.

Main challenges for Indigenous Peoples in Kenya

The Indigenous Peoples of Kenya face insecurity in the possession of land and resources, poor service provision, low political representation, discrimination and exclusion. The situation of Indigenous Peoples seems to worsen each year, with increasing competition for resources in their areas.

The practice of forced evictions against Indigenous Peoples such as Sengwer hunter-gatherers in Kenya has been widespread. These evictions have had serious effects and have caused numerous violations of human rights: the right to security of the person, the right to non-interference with privacy, family and home and the right to the peaceful enjoyment of possessions.

The territories of the Indigenous Peoples constitute the only remaining space destined for the extraction of natural resources such as oil, gas, wind and geothermal energy, as well as massive infrastructure projects such as railways, roads and pipelines to comply with the country's development plan. called Vision 2030.

Case: Political participation of Indigenous women

Indigenous women in Kenya face multifaceted social, cultural, economic and political constraints and challenges. First, by belonging to minority and marginalized peoples at the national level; and secondly, through internal social and cultural prejudices.

Prejudices have continued to deny indigenous women equal opportunities to get out of the marasmus of high levels of illiteracy and poverty. It has also prevented them from having a voice to inform and influence political and cultural governance and development policies and processes, due to unequal power relations at both the local and national levels. However, more women have been elected and entered politics in 2017.

Indigenous Peoples in Morocco

The Amazigh peoples are the Indigenous Peoples of Morocco. Morocco has not adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples nor ratified ILO Convention 169.

For the past decades, Morocco has been a unitary state with a centralised authority, a single religion, a single language and systematic marginalisation of the Amazigh identity. The administrative and legal system of Morocco is generally Arabic, and the Amazigh culture and way of life are under pressure to assimilate. Although the Constitution of 2011 officially recognises the Amazigh identity and language, rules as to how Tamazight is to be officially implemented, along with methods for incorporating it into teaching and as an official language, are still pending.

The Amazigh peoples

The Amazigh peoples are the Indigenous Peoples of Morocco and the rest of North Africa. While the 2016 census in Morocco estimated the number of Tamazight speakers to be 28% of the population, the Amazigh associations claim a rate of 65 to 70% This means that they may number around 20 million in Morocco and around 30 million throughout North Africa and the Sahel.

The Amazigh people have founded an organisation called the "Amazigh Cultural Movement" (ACM) to defend their rights. It is a civil society movement based on the universal values of human rights. Today there are more than 800 Amazigh associations established throughout Morocco.

The Tamazight language

The teaching of Tamazight is of paramount importance to the Amazigh Cultural Movement. It was introduced into the Moroccan education system in 2003, but a decline has been noted in its progress since 2008. 

However, signs of improvement could be seen during 2017. In an interview, the Minister for Education highlighted the issue of Tamazight teaching, proposing a change in method in order to be able to roll out the teaching of this language more widely. This method consists of training teachers who will be able to teach both Tamazight, French, and Arabic.He proposed training 300 teachers in Amazigh during this year.

The Head of government has also called on several higher education establishments to introduce training programmes in the Amazigh language, in coordination with the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture.

There are currently 10 TV channels broadcasting in Arabic in Morocco, and one in Tamazight. The channel is part of a plan of diversification and integration of Tamazight into the audiovisual environment.  The channel reflects this desire to provide our country with a modern means of communication that is capable of valuing the Amazigh identity through its various linguistic, cultural, artistic and civilisational components.

Main challenges for the Amazigh peoples

The administrative and legal system of Morocco has been strongly Arabized, and the Amazigh culture and way of life are under constant pressure to assimilate. Morocco has for many years been a unitary state with centralized authority, a single religion, a single language and a systematic marginalization of all aspects of the Amazigh identity.

The 2011 Constitution officially recognizes the Amazigh identity and language. This could be a very positive and encouraging step for the Amazigh people of Morocco. The parliament finally adopted in 2019 the organic law for the implementation of article 5 of the constitution, after several years of waiting. Work to harmonize the legal arsenal with the new Constitution should begin. Morocco has not ratified ILO Convention 169 and has not voted against the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The Indigenous Peoples of Namibia include the San, the Ovatjimba, Ovatue and Ovahimba, and potentially a number of other peoples, including the Damara (ǂNūkhoen) and Nama. Although the Constitution of Namibia prohibits discrimination on grounds of ethnic or tribal affiliation, it does not specifically recognize the rights of Indigenous Peoples or minorities, and there is no national legislation that deals directly with Indigenous Peoples.

Namibia voted in favour of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) on September 13, 2007, but has not ratified ILO Convention 169, an international legal instrument that specifically addresses the rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Namibia is a signatory to several other binding international agreements that affirm the norms represented in UNDRIP, such as the African Charter on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Convention on the Elimination of of all forms of racial discrimination (ICERD) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

The Indigenous Peoples of Namibia

The Indigenous Peoples of Namibia include the San, the Ovatjimba, Ovatue and Ovahimba, and potentially a number of other peoples, including the Damara (ǂNūkhoen) and Nama. Taken together, these Indigenous Peoples represent some 8% of the total population of the country, which was 2,630,073 in 2020. The San (Bushmen) number between 28,000 and 35,000, and they represent slightly more than 1% of the national population.

They include the Khwe, the Hai||om, the Ju|’hoansi (and related ‡Kao||’aesi), the !Xun (comprising of four or more distinct populations), the Naro and the !Xóõ (and related N|oha). Each of the San groups speaks its own language and has distinct customs, traditions and histories.

The San were mainly hunter-gatherers in the past but, today, many have diversified livelihoods. Over 80% of the San have been dispossessed of their ancestral lands and resources, and they are now some of the poorest and most marginalised peoples in the country. The Ovatjimba and Ovatue (Ovatwa) are largely pastoral people, formerly also relying on hunting and gathering, residing in the Kunene Region, in the semi-arid and mountainous north-west of Namibia. Together, they number some 27,000, representing 1.02% of the total Namibia population.

Challenges for Indigenous Peoples in Namibia

The year 2016 was marked by a significant slowdown in the economy of Namibia, which resulted in considerable budget cuts for many line ministries, including those that support Indigenous Peoples.

It is expected that the effect of these cuts will affect geographically remote communities to a greater extent, due to reductions in operational scope.

Advances in participation and political representation of the Indigenous Peoples of Namibia

In March 2015, the San Development Division under the Office of the Prime Minister was renamed the Division of Marginalized Communities and moved to the Office of the Vice President. The office is mandated to focus on San, Himba, Tjimba, Zemba and Twa, with the main objective of integrating marginalized communities into the mainstream of the economy and improving their livelihoods.

The representatives of the Division of Marginalized Communities in the Office of the Vice President and the Vice Minister of Marginalized Communities, Kxao Royal Ui | or | oo, who is the only San in the national government, encountered many of the marginalized communities in Namibia during 2016.

The Division participated in the 15th annual meeting of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (FPCIU) in New York from 9 to 20 May 2016. The Division of Marginalized Communities accepted a work program with the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations.

Although Tanzania voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 and is the home to 125-130 different ethnic groups, the state does not recognize the existence of Indigenous Peoples. There is no specific national policy or legislation on Indigenous Peoples, but Akiye, Hadzabe, Barabaig and Maasai have organized themselves and their struggles around the concept and movement of Indigenous Peoples.

In addition, various policies, strategies and programs are continuously being developed that do not reflect the interests of Indigenous Peoples in terms of access to land and natural resources, basic social services and justice. Resulting in an increasingly political environment, hostile and deteriorating.

Indigenous Peoples in Tanzania

It is estimated that Tanzania has a total of 125-130 ethnic groups, which fall mainly into the four categories of Bantu, Cushite, Nilo-Hamite and San.

While there may be more ethnic groups that identify themselves as indigenous peoples, four groups have organized themselves and their struggles around the concept and movement of Indigenous Peoples. The four groups are the hunter-gatherer Akiye and Hadzabe, and the pastoralist Barabaig and Maasai.

Although it is difficult to arrive at exact figures since the ethnic groups are not included in the population census, it is estimated that the Maasai in Tanzania has 430,000 people, the Datoga group to which Barabaig belongs has 87,978 people, the Hadzabe 1,000 and the Akiye 5,268 people.

Although the means of subsistence of these groups are diverse, they all share a strong attachment to the land, different identities, vulnerability and marginalization. They also experience similar problems in relation to the insecurity of land tenure, poverty and inadequate political representation.

Violations of the human rights of Indigenous Peoples in Tanzania

Indigenous Peoples in Tanzania continue to suffer human rights violations. The human rights situation of pastoralists in the Morogoro region worsened at the end of December 2016 and the beginning of 2017, when Indigenous Peoples were evicted in the districts of Kilosa, Mvomero and Morogoro Vijijini.

This was driven by a recent eviction operation declared in December 2016 by the Regional Commissioner of Morogoro, the Minister of the Interior and the District Commissioners in the region.

Land grabbing and land conflicts in Tanzania are also a great challenge for Indigenous Peoples. They are often related to the expansion of national parks, and the invasion of pastoralist pastures in Western Kilimanjaro is one. There were other attempts to grab land related to attempts to annex pastoralist villages to national parks and game reserves, such as the case of the village of Kimotorok in northern Tanzania.

The eviction attempts in Loliondo were concealed within the broad justification for the "conservation of wildlife" of the Serengeti ecosystem, an excuse that has long been used to undermine pastoral livelihoods in the Loliondo area.

The development of infrastructure also causes the dispossession of lands for Indigenous Peoples in Tanzania. One of the most serious cases is the conflict in Hai district, in northern Tanzania, between seven mainly Masai pastoralist villages, on the one hand, and Kilimanjaro airport, on the other.

The Amazigh peoples are the Indigenous Peoples of Tunisia. Although Tunisia has voted in favour and adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the text remains unknown to the vast majority of citizens and legal professionals and does not apply in national courts.

In addition, the government of Tunisia does not recognize the existence of the Amazigh population of the country, and there is no legislative text, nor any public institution dedicated to promoting the cultural, economic and social rights of the country's Amazigh population.

Since 2011, Amazigh cultural associations have emerged with the aim of recognizing the Amazigh language and culture. In 2014, the Parliament adopted a new Constitution that obscures the Amazigh historical, cultural and linguistic dimensions of the country: it refers to the Tunisian sources of "Arab and Muslim identity" and expressly states that Tunisia is a member of the "culture and civilization of the Arabs and the Muslim Nation", committing the state to work to strengthen" the union of the Maghreb as a stage towards the achievement of Arab unity".

The Amazigh are the Indigenous Peoples of Tunisia

As in other parts of North Africa, the Amazigh form the indigenous population of Tunisia. There are no official statistics on their number in the country, but Amazigh associations estimate that there are around 1 million speakers of Tamazight, the Amazigh language, which represents about 10% of the total population.

The Amazigh indigenous population can be distinguished not only by its Tamazight language but also by its cultural features, such as the traditional dress, music, cooking and the Ibadite religion practised by the Amazigh of Djerba.

The Amazigh of Tunisia spread throughout all regions of the country. Many Amazigh of Tunisia have abandoned mountains and deserts to seek work in cities and abroad. Therefore, there are a lot of Amazighs in Tunisia, particularly the old town, Medina, which works mainly on specialized crafts and small businesses.

Amazigh cultural traits and their language

There is no legislative text in Tunisia, nor any public institution, dedicated to promoting the cultural, economic and social rights of the Amazigh population of the country. The use of the Amazigh language in public administration and schools is prohibited, and Amazigh indigenous history is absent from school textbooks.

Some civil society organizations ignore or boycott the Amazigh problems. In different official annual reports for the last five years, for example, neither the Human Rights League of Tunisia nor the Higher Committee on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms have mentioned violations of the fundamental rights of the Amazigh population.

Possible progress for the Amazigh peoples of Tunisia

Due to political changes in Tunisia since 2011, Amazigh tunes from different regions have taken steps towards a renaissance of their language and culture. Now there are at least 10 Amazigh associations established with the mission to defend and promote the Amazigh language and culture in Tunisia, which regularly organises awareness activities consisting of traditional events, conferences and festivals with a local dimension.

Measures have also been taken to convince some parliamentarians of the need to change the Tunisian legislation in favor of recognizing the rights of Amazigh people in the country.

On November 20, 2017, the Ministry of Relations with the Constitutional Bodies, Civil Society and Human Rights organized a national consultation workshop in Tunisia on the issue of racial discrimination in Tunisia, aimed at designing and presenting a bill about this theme. adopted during the first quarter of 2018.

The Indigenous Peoples of Uganda include the Benet, the Batwa, the Ik, the Karamojong and the Basongora, although the Ugandan Government does not specifically recognize them as Indigenous Peoples.

Uganda has not adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO Convention 169, which guarantees the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples in independent States. Therefore, its indigenous population continues to live with impoverishment, social and political exploitation and marginalization.

The 1995 Constitution does not offer express protection for Indigenous Peoples, but Article 32 imposes a mandatory duty on the state to take affirmative measures in favour of historically disadvantaged and discriminated groups.

This provision, which was initially designed and conceived to address the historical disadvantages of children, persons with disabilities and women, is the basic legal source of affirmative action in favour of Indigenous Peoples in Uganda.

The Land Law of 1998 and the National Environmental Statute of 1995 protect customary interests in land and traditional uses of forests. However, these laws also authorize the government to exclude human activities in any forest area by declaring it a protected forest, thus nullifying the customary rights to the land of Indigenous Peoples.

Indigenous Peoples in Uganda

The Indigenous Peoples of Uganda include ancient communities of hunters and gatherers, such as Benet and Batwa, also known as Twa. They also include minority groups like the Ik, the Karamojong and the Basongora.

The Benets, who number just over 8,500, live in the northeastern part of Uganda. The Batwa, who number about 6,700, live mainly in the southwest region. They were dispossessed of their ancestral land when the Bwindi and Mgahinga forests were declared national parks in 1991.

The Ik number is approximately 13,939 and lives on the edge of the Karamoja / Turkana region along the border between Uganda and Kenya. The karamojong live in the northeast and total about 988,429. The Basongoras, who number 15,897, are a livestock community that lives in the lowlands adjacent to Rwenzori Mountain in western Uganda.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Uganda

All these communities have a common experience of state-induced landlessness and historical injustices caused by the creation of conservation areas in Uganda. They have experienced various human rights violations, including continued forced evictions and/or exclusions from ancestral lands without community consultation, consent or adequate (or any) compensation.

Other violations include violence and destruction of homes and property, including livestock; denial of their means of subsistence and of their cultural and religious life through their exclusion from ancestral lands and natural resources. All these violations have resulted in their continued impoverishment, social and political exploitation and marginalization.

The safety of the Ik peoples is at risk in large part due to their different positions between two communities. Iks are often caught in the crossfire between the two communities, making them very vulnerable. In addition, their land tenure remains insecure because neighbouring pastoralists and agropastoralists invade their land. In addition, 70% of the land of Ik has been lost due to conservation initiatives.

The Benet peoples have had a long-standing dispute with the authorities over their ancestral lands, which was declared a protected area in 1926 without their consent or compensation. In 2005, the Supreme Court ordered the government to return the protected lands to the community of Benet. However, the failure has not yet been implemented.

Positive trends for the Ik, Benet, Basongora and Batwa peoples

The Ik have been largely excluded from the decision-making processes at both the local and central levels, but in 2015, the government created the Ik constituency and, in February 2016, Hillary Lokwang was elected as the first member of Parliament Ik.

For once, the Ik can hear their voices directly and not through their Dodoth neighbours. In fact, his current member of parliament is his first and only surviving university graduate, since the other died. Hope is placed in the new and young member of Parliament in terms of lobbying for the development of Ik people.

The United Organization for Batwa Development in Uganda (UOBDU) has been implementing the project entitled "Giving Hope to Batwa Women and Girls" where two Batwa representatives of 43 Batwa groups or communities were selected and trained as Women Defenders of Rights.

Indigenous peoples in Burundi 

There are 78,071 Indigenous individuals in Burundi, or around 1% of the national population, according to the last census conducted in 2008. Burundi abstained from voting on the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 but did vote for and ratify the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on Biological Diversity. However, Indigenous Peoples in Burundi keep facing a number of serious challenges.

Batwa people in Burundi

The Batwa are the Indigenous Peoples of Burundi. A census conducted in 2008 by the NGO Uniproba, "Let’s unite for the promotion of the Batwa", estimated their number at 78,071 individuals, or around 1% of the population. The rest of the population is made up of Tutsi and Hutu.

There are Batwa in every province of the country and they speak the national language, Kirundi, with an accent that distinguishes them from the other two ethnic groups.

Main challenges for Burundi’s Indigenous groups

Burundi is one of the five poorest countries in the world, with nearly 65% of its population living below the poverty line. Food insecurity is alarming, more than a half of all children demonstrate a delay in their growth, and access to water and sanitation is very poor. Moreover, the country has several challenges to overcome to reduce its poverty, as it is its weak rural economy, strong demographic growth and heavy dependence on development aid, among others.

In this context, the Batwa seem to be the most vulnerable sector of Burundi’s society. They are regularly overlooked in Burundi’s public policies because they do not hold national identity cards, and are therefore not listed as being Burundian citizens. In January 2018, the "Espoir pour les Jeunes Batwa" association began a project to distribute identity cards in Kayanza Province. This initiative was supported by the US Embassy in Burundi. However, The Governor of Kayanza took the decision to ban the project as he was not "informed of the US ambassador’s participation".

In the political sphere, A constitutional review process commenced in 2013 in Burundi. Over the course of that year, Batwa parliamentarians actively discussed some of the reforms, with the aim of ensuring respect for their right to participate in national political life, especially given that this right is enshrined in the new Constitution and Electoral Code. Despite all these efforts, the Burundian president proposed amendments to the National Assembly and Senate without taking into account the concerns raised by the Batwa members of parliament.

Another challenge faced by the Batwa are the right to land, as they suffer serious inequalities in the distribution of land. One of the problems is that Burundi is one of the most densely populated countries in Africa, but also the fact that most of the land that was traditionally owned by the Batwa has been transformed into national parks and forest reserves.

The Batwa cannot survive from hunting and gathering alone anymore, and for that reason, they have started demanding land on which lo live and grow crops. However, surveys conducted in 2008 show that 14.7% of the Batwa had no land. This discrimination persists still today. For example, in July 2017, following a new regulation on the use of mines and quarries, the Batwa were also prohibited from accessing clay, a resource essential to their manufacture of artisanal pottery.

There are two peoples who identify themselves as indigenous in Zimbabwe, Tshawa and Doma. However, the Government of Zimbabwe does not recognize any specific group as indigenous to the country.

Zimbabwe is part of CERD, CRC, CEDAW, ICCPR and ICESCR. The reporting of these conventions is long overdue, but the government has made efforts in 2017 to comply with some of the requirements that have been established. Zimbabwe also voted in favour of adopting UNDRIP but has not ratified ILO Convention 169. In recent years, Zimbabwe also participated in the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process of the UN Human Rights Council, whose most recent meeting was held in November 2016.

Indigenous Peoples in Zimbabwe

Two peoples self-identify as indigenous in Zimbabwe. These are the Tshwa (Tjwa, Tsoa, Cuaa) San, found in western Zimbabwe, and the Doma (Vadema, Tebomvura) of the Mbire district in north-central Zimbabwe. It is estimated a population of 2,950 Tshwa and 1,450 Doma in Zimbabwe, approximately 0.032% of the country’s population of 14,546,314 in 2020.

Many of the Tshwa and Doma live below the poverty line in Zimbabwe and together they comprise some of the poorest people in the country. Socio-economic data is limited for both groups, though a survey was done of Tshwa in 2020. Both the Tshwa and Doma have histories of hunting and gathering and their households now have diversified economies, including informal agricultural work for other groups, pastoralism, tourism and small-scale business enterprises.

Remittances from relatives and friends both inside and outside the country make up a small proportion of the total incomes of Tshwa and Doma. As is the case with other Zimbabweans, some Tshwa and Doma have emigrated to other countries in search of income-generating opportunities, employment and greater social security.

The only San organization in Zimbabwe, the Tsoro-o-tso San Development Fund (TSDT) was active in 2017, especially in the dissemination of information among the Tshwa communities and the promotion of the Tjwao language.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Zimbabwe

Doma and Tshwa San face continuous discrimination, social insecurity, low employment levels, limited political participation and lack of broad access to social services, land, development capital and natural resources.

Relations between the Tshwa and their Bantu-speaking neighbours, the Kalanga and the Ndebele and government officials are complex. For example, in 2017, Tshwa was blamed for his involvement in illegal activities related to wildlife, even though there was no evidence to support this.

Tensions between Tshwa in Tsholotsho district and staff members of the Zimbabwe National Parks and Wildlife Management Department (ZDNPWLM) (Zimparks) increased in 2017.

The rights to Doming the resources were restricted by the imposition of new conservation areas and safari hunting areas in the Zambezi Valley. Their livelihoods were also affected by the fact that they now have to pay license fees as high as Z $ 800 ($ 800 USD) for the right to hunt or fish.

The San and Khoekhoe Indigenous Peoples of South Africa were previously known as "coloured". Now they are exercising their right to self-identification and identify themselves as San and Khoekhoe or Khoe-San.

South Africa has voted in favour of the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples but has not yet ratified ILO Convention No. 169.

The San and Khoekhoe African Indigenous Peoples are not formally recognized in terms of national legislation as a customary community. However, this is changing with the pending Law of Traditional Leadership and Khoisan Bill, which is intended to be presented to parliament in 2017.

Indigenous Peoples in South Africa

The total population of South Africa is around 50 million, of which it is estimated that indigenous groups represent approximately 1%.

Collectively, the various African indigenous communities in South Africa are known as the Khoe-San / Khoisan, which comprises the San and the Khoekhoe. The main San groups include the San Khomani who reside mainly in the Kalahari region, and the Khwe and Xun, who reside primarily in Platfontein, Kimberley.

The Khoekhoe consist of the Nama who reside mainly in the Province of the North Cape; the Koran mainly in the provinces of Kimberley and Free State; the Griqua in the provinces of Western Cape, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Free State and KwaZulu-Natal; and Cape Khoekhoe in the Western Cape and the Eastern Cape, with increasing pockets in the provinces of Gauteng and Free State.

In contemporary South Africa, the Khoe-San communities exhibit a variety of socio-economic and cultural lifestyles and practices. The socio-political changes brought about by the current South African political system have created a space for the deconstruction of racially determined social categories of apartheid, such as "colour".

Progress: indigenous knowledge and leadership projects of Khoisan

The "Law on Protection, Promotion, Development and Management of Indigenous Knowledge Systems" of 2014 establishes the protection, promotion, development and management of the communities' indigenous knowledge systems. The bill provides for the establishment and operation of a National Office of Indigenous Knowledge Systems and the management of the rights of holders of indigenous knowledge.

The Indigenous Knowledge Law Project establishes how to access indigenous knowledge of local communities. In addition, the bill describes the process to register, accredit and certify indigenous knowledge professionals. The second version of this bill has been developed on the basis of the first round of entries, and this new second version was opened for public consultation in December 2016.

The South African Parliamentary Committee on Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs has presented the Traditional Leadership and Khoisan Bill (formerly the National Traditional Affairs Project) before parliament in 2016. This project seeks to recognize that the historic Khoi and San communities are at with the recognition already granted to other African customary communities within South Africa.

For the first time in the last 300 years, the bill could potentially provide formal recognition and open opportunities for access to justice for the historic communities of Khoi and San. In addition, the bill would allow Khoi and San to be included in the governmental administrative processes within the various ministries and allow these ministries to make specific provisions for the social, economic and cultural priorities of the Khoi and San communities.

In 2017, the community tenure bill establishes the transfer of communal lands to their communities.

 

Located in the heart of the second largest forest mass in the world, the Republic of the Congo covers 342,000 km2 of Central Africa. The Republic has 4,085,422 inhabitants according to a 2011 survey, and some sources say that indigenous peoples represent 10% of the total population.

The indigenous peoples in the Republic of the Congo are known as Bakola, Tswa or Batwas, Babongo, Baaka, Mbendjeles, Mikayas, Bagombes, Babis and more.

Indigenous peoples in the Republic of the Congo

The names of the indigenous peoples of the Congo vary. They can be known in terms such as Bakola, Tswa or Batwas, Babongo, Baaka, Mbendjeles, Mikayas, Bagombes and Babis. It is officially estimated that indigenous peoples are 50,000 individuals or approximately 1.2 percent of the total population of 2007. A 2008 report by UNICEF questions this number by suggesting that indigenous peoples make up a much larger proportion of the population, as well as indigenous peoples 10%.

Declaration, Convention and Constitution

The Republic of the Congo has not ratified ILO Convention No. 169, but voted in favour of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007.

The protection of the rights of indigenous peoples has been constitutionally enshrined since October 2015. Article 16 says that: "The law guarantees and provides promotion and protection of the rights of indigenous peoples." The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights is responsible for promoting indigenous rights.


Challenges for indigenous peoples in Congo

In 2007, the National Network of Indigenous Peoples of the Congo (RENAPAC) was established as a platform to represent indigenous civil society. The network has been involved in most of the political processes that affect indigenous peoples. However, the network is challenged in terms of capacity among its organizers and there is a need to strengthen its ownership of the law that promotes and protects the rights of indigenous peoples.

Despite the law, the indigenous population continues to suffer discrimination and marginalization, which explains the need for a more dynamic society.

By the end of 2019, Mali’s population stood at more than 20 million inhabitants (four times more than 59 years previously).

The Tuareg (Tamazight speakers), the Moors (Arabic speakers) and, in riverine areas, the Songhay and Peuls (Fulani) are the main communities that inhabit the vast northern space that accounts for two-thirds of Mali. Their political alliances and their conflicts have shaped the history of a region in which there has been an interdependence between nomadic and settled populations, who have participated in vast economic, cultural and social exchange networks across the Sahara.

The Tuareg live in the five administrative regions of northern Mali (Kidal, Timbuktu, Gao, Taoudenit and Menaka), known as Azawad by the autonomy movements. They also have a presence in the border areas of other states (Niger, Algeria, Libya, Burkina Faso).

In 1960, when Mali was created, official figures put the Tuareg at more than 10% of the country’s population. Today, despite no reliable data, official discourse around the conflicts that have pitted the Tuareg against the Malian state puts them at a mere 3% of the global population, a figure that is scarcely credible.

Mali’s official language is French but cultural diversity is recognised in its constitution. For its part, the National Agreement, a peace accord signed with the armed Tuareg fronts in 1992, recognised the specific nature of the regions inhabited by the Tuareg although these provisions were never concretely implemented. Mali voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 2007. The Malian state does not, however, recognise the existence of “Indigenous Peoples”, as defined by the UNDRIP and ILO Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries, on its territory.

Chad is one of the six member states of the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC). Its population is estimated at 14 million inhabitants living across an area covering 1,284,000 km2. The country is divided into three broad ecosystems: desert in the north, savannah in the centre and forest in the south.

Indigenous Peoples

Two peoples are considered Indigenous to Chad: the Mbororo sub-group of the Fulani people and  the  Toubou.  The Mbororo Fulani live primarily from pastoralism and subsistence farming. According to the 1993 census, they number some 250,000 clustered in the dry centre and tropical south where there is pasture for their livestock. It is estimated that they make up some 10% of the Chadian population. Many of the Fulani have emigrated to neighbouring Cameroon, the Central African Republic or Niger. They can be recognised by their way of life, culture, language, and by the discrimination they suffer. The Fulani are often poor, the majority of them are illiterate and they have no political representation at the national level.

The Toubous are considered one of the oldest groups currently living in the Sahara. Their origin remains a mystery and they have always been an enigma in the eyes of others. Warriors and pastoralists like many other Saharan peoples, these nomads are feared by their neighbours, and owe their reputation to their legendary capacity for adaptation and survival in the particularly arid environment of the Tibesti mountains. They rear camels and cattle and live largely in northern Chad, with the exception of small communities settled in Niger, Libya and Egypt.

Chad was absent on the day of the vote on the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in the UN General Assembly. 

General situation of the Mbororo Fulani people in Chad

The Fulani are a large group living throughout the whole Sudano-Sahelian belt, largely in West and Central Africa. They can be divided into several sub-groups, including the Mbororo, who now live in five countries: Chad, Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon and the Central African Republic. In Chad, they are represented by several dozen communities, including the Wodaabé, Dya-dyaé, Bibbé Woila, Fukarabé etc., and are also commonly known as “Fulbé Laddé”. When nomadic, their communities practise cross-border transhumance, following the rhythm of the seasons in search of water and pasture for their cattle. Primarily pastoralists, some communities are 100% nomadic while others are semi-nomadic, practicing subsistence farming. These latter are generally nomads who have lost their cattle due to land grabbing, the closure of transhumance corridors and climate change.

Major challenges for the Mbororo Fulani in Chad; Increasing but still insufficient recognition

The Mbororo people are not officially recognised by the Chadian government in law. Despite the lack of official recognition, the UNDRIP ensures recognition through self-identification: a people must recognise itself as Indigenous and meet all the criteria as specified in the Report of the African Commission’s Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities.1 

Land issues

Given the absence of any legal clarifications on land ownership, there are still many ongoing problems in this regard. Nomadic land issues are regulated by Law 004 of 1959 (enacted during colonisation), which governs “pastoral lands”. This was updated by a Pastoral Code in 2014,some parts of which were adopted or rejected by parliament and the government. The lack of legal clarity disadvantages not only Chad’s Fulani but its nomadic communities as a whole.

The closure of transhumance corridors, privatisation of water sources and land grabbing remain a major obstacle, preventing Indigenous Peoples’ access to land and natural resources.

The administrative division of Chad means that nomadic Indigenous peoples are reliant on decisions from several different administrative districts which do not communicate. When moving from one area to another, they often have to pay the same taxes several times. In addition, this division acts to marginalise Indigenous peoples, preventing their access to political processes. In 2018, very few Fulani were able to participate in decision-making circles and even fewer could access the arenas in which the implementation of these decisions are planned.

Education

In 2010, the Indigenous organisation Women’s Association of Indigenous Fulani in Chad (AFPAT) participated in a study organised by the Ministry of Education and Livestock Rearing on the education of isolated and remote nomadic children. This resulted in the creation of a Department for Nomadic Children’s Education (DNCE) in 2012. Despite the implied progress, however, the real impact for Indigenous communities is minimal. The rare schools that do exist, and serve these Indigenous groups, often have charitable origins, independent of the government. AFPAT has run workshops with these communities, and reports that a lack of resources devoted to the DNCE has resulted in a failure to achieve satisfactory results. Average school registration rates among nomadic children remained very low in 2018, at less than 1% for boys and virtually zero for girls.

Civil registry

In 2018, entire nomadic communities lack birth certificates. Often there are just a handful of men with identity cards in any settlement or village, largely because they are required to travel for the cattle trade. Despite a lack of documentation, most community members have voting cards, meaning that the state sets more store on distributing polling cards for electoral purposes than on providing identity cards. Without an identity card it is impossible to access most government services, including schools and medical centres.

Notes and references

  1. See ACHPR, “Expert Report on Indigenous Communities,” available at: http://bit.ly/2T55zSk
  2. See the Pastoral Platform of Chad, available at: http://bit.ly/2N6dxEt

Indigenous Peoples in the Central African Republic

There are three Indigenous groups in the Central African Republic (CAR): the Mbororo Fulani, the Aka and the Litho. The Mbororo Fulani are generally nomadic herders. They live in the prefectures of Ouaka in the centre-east, M’bomou in the south-east and Lobaye in the south-west. The 2003 census estimated their population at 39,299 individuals, or around 1% of the total population. They have a strong presence in rural areas, accounting for 14% of the global population, as opposed to 0.2% in urban areas. The constant military and political crises in the CAR since 2013 have profoundly disrupted their pastoralist way of life. The Mbororo are becoming increasingly drawn to a sedentary lifestyle and are opting for agriculture to survive.

The exact number of Aka Pygmies is unknown but they are estimated to number in the tens of thousands. Around 90% of them live in the forests, which they consider to be their herit- age and where they live by their traditional activities of hunting, gathering and fishing. The Aka live in the prefectures of Lobaye, Ombella Mpoko and Sangha-Mbaéré in the south-west, and Mambéré Kadéi in the west.

The Litho are a minority group located in the north of the country. They are semi-nomadic and practise farming, hunting, gathering and fishing.

 

International Mechanisms

CAR voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in September 2007 and ratified ILO Conven- tion 169 in August 2010. It was the first and only African State to ratify this Convention. On 11 August 2011, under the terms of the ILO Constitution, the Convention entered into force. 

Niger’s indigenous peoples are the Tuareg, Fulani and Toubou, all of them transhumant pastoralists. Niger’s total population was estimated at 14,693,110 in 2009; 8.5% of the population, or 1,248,914, were Fulani, 8.3% or 1,219,528 were Tuareg, and 1.5% of the population, or 220,397, were Toubou.

Indigenous Peoples in Niger 

The Fulani can be further subdivided into the Tolèbé, the Gorgabé, the Djelgobé and the Bororo. They are mostly cattle and sheep herders although some of them have converted to agriculture since losing their livestock during the droughts. The Tuareg raise camels and goats and live in the north (Agadez and Tahoua) and west (Tillabéry) of the country. The Toubou are camel herders who live in the east of the country around Tesker (Zinder), N’guigmi (Diffa) and along the border with Libya (Bilma).

The June 2010 Constitution does not explicitly note the existence of indigenous peoples in Niger. Pastoralists’ rights are set out in the Pastoral Code, adopted in 2010. Most importantly, this Code includes an explicit recognition of mobility as a fundamental right, along with a ban on the privatisation of pastureland, which poses a threat to this mobility. A further important element in the Pastoral Code is the recognition of priority use rights in their pastoral homelands (terroirs d’attache). Niger has not signed ILO Convention 169 but did vote in favour of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The population of the Batwa in Rwanda is estimated at between 25,000 – 30,000,1 which is less than 1% of the approximately 12 million people in Rwanda as of 2018 (National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda). Post-genocide law prevents the collection and dissemination of data disaggregated by ethnicity, and so exact numbers of the Batwa cannot be calculated. Although there has been an increase in political focus on the problems faced by the Batwa in Rwanda, they remain extremely socio-economically disadvantaged. In Rwanda, the Batwa are also known as: “Potters”, an occupation historically associated with the Batwa; the “Historically Marginalised People,” a non-ethnic reference to their second-class status throughout Rwandan history; abasangwabutaka (original inhabitants of the land); and abasigajwe iynuma n’amateka (the ones who have been left behind by history). Outside of Rwanda, the Batwa are known as Twa, “Pygmies” (a pejorative term), forest people, and (former) hunter-gatherers.

The Batwa lack robust representation in governance structures and currently have only one Senator officially representing them in the national senate. This position is one of eight appointed by the President to represent “historically marginalised” groups. Transitional justice efforts implemented by the government of Rwanda after the 1994 genocide have eliminated ethnic designations, rejected the recognition of special categories of the population, and criminalised any speech or action deemed “divisionist” given the history of divisive policies and rhetoric which led up to the genocide. The Batwa are therefore not officially recognised as an indigenous group or given rights and protections as such. Rwanda is a State Party to the following charters: ACHPR, ACRWC, ICESCR, ICCPR, CERD, CEDAW, CRC and others; however the country has not ratified the UNDRIP or ILO Convention 169.2

The Batwa are widely recognized as the indigenous or autochthonous people of the Great Lakes Region of Africa and their ancestral territories lie in the forests surrounding Lake Kivu in Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They were evicted from the forests of western Rwanda in waves of transnationally-influenced or mandated fortress conservation and development efforts throughout the 20th century aimed, in part, at protecting the region’s endemic and endangered species – especially the famed mountain gorillas.  Before  full  eviction  from  the  forests  in  the 1970s–1990s, the Batwa relied on the resource-rich forests for their sustenance, livelihoods, spiritual activities and identity. Much of their traditional territory has now been turned into the country’s three national parks – Volcanoes, Gishwati, and Nyungwe – which hold the majority of Rwanda’s biodiversity and generate significant tourism revenue.

Lack of recognition, exclusion and marginalisation

2018 saw some small signs of progress for the Batwa in the form of increased political attention, although these signs are complex given the political context of post-genocide Rwanda. The Rwandan government previously banned the use of ethnic references and identities in an attempt to prevent a return to ethnic violence and in order to promote national citizenship as the only necessary identity in Rwanda today. The government also refuses to recognise special categories of the population, including indigenous people, as a part of unity and reconciliation efforts. Speech or action deemed “divisionist” is criminalised and potentially carries heavy fines and/or lengthy prison sentences if convicted. Various constitutional laws dating back to 2001 support these policies and continue to be enforced in many spheres of public life.

The implications of Rwandan identity laws have been widely debated; however, for the Batwa they preclude any opportunities to claim indigenous status and rights. Lack of official indigenous recognition has made it difficult to counter discrimination and protect their land, livelihoods, and distinct culture. Insufficient political representation, particularly at lower levels of government, means that Batwa are often excluded from decision-making processes. It is imperative for the local authorities to include their Batwa constituents in all decisions that affect their lives.

Problems of inequality for the Batwa in Rwanda persist despite attempts by the government and civil society to eliminate them. Today, many Batwa face marginalization, poor health and living conditions, a loss of land and livelihood, and a lack of education. There are noticeable differences in the lives and conditions of urban and rural Batwa, although both face challenges in terms of meeting basic needs. Many Batwa in rural areas face inadequate housing, outright discrimination, a lack of food security, lack of access to potable water, difficulty attending school, and under/un-employment. Their urban counterparts face many similar challenges but gain from having greater access to modern conveniences and resources, increased employment opportunities, increased access to education and educational support, and greater integration into society.

Livelihoods

A lack of sufficient income-generating activities is prevalent throughout Rwanda but Batwa struggle with this to a significantly higher degree due to discrimination and a lack of education and land. Batwa people have been making and selling or trading clay pots for generations. Now that plastic and metal cookware is ubiquitous, clay pots are no longer desired. Only poor people continue to use these for cooking, and few are sold by potters each month. Obtaining clay has become increasingly difficult as many of the valleys where clay is found are now being used to cultivate rice. Pottery making is a time-consuming task and requires additional materials, such as firewood or charcoal, for it to be completed. A single pot can take days to be ready for the market because of the drying and firing processes. That pot will then sell for 50150 FRW, equivalent to USD 0.10 or USD 0.15. Despite these obstacles, many Batwa communities throughout the country continue to make pottery.

One potential benefit to maintaining this activity is the ability to form cooperatives or associations to work and sell pottery collectively in a known and accessible location. This has been done successfully in the capital city of Kigali for several years now. Pottery cooperatives in Kigali benefit from tourism, local and foreign customers, and a plot of land for clay collection and livestock. Support for various kinds of cooperative formations (including agricultural, pottery making and other crafts) should be prioritised in rural areas in particular, and Batwa communities would benefit from being targeted in this way. Another common income-generating activity among Batwa is day labouring on other people’s land. This does not generally pay well enough to feed a family for the day but generates more money than pottery making. This activity highlights the ability and willingness of many Batwa to learn and practice cultivation techniques and should be seen as a positive indicator that granting much-needed land to Batwa families would be immensely beneficial to them.

Housing and landlessness

Eviction from the resource-rich forests and subsequent forced relocation into cash-poor village settings has had detrimental effects on the social and physical health of the Batwa. Furthermore, the 2009-2011 Bye Bye Nyakatsi development initiative destroyed the thatched-roof homes of many Batwa families. The government’s intention was to replace all thatched-roof huts with mud-brick, tin-roofed homes but irresponsible action on the part of some local authorities led to periods of homelessness and inadequate construction for many Batwa communities. This change left affected families more vulnerable to cold weather and rain damage or destruction of their new homes.

Batwa throughout Rwanda face the extreme challenge of landlessness as a result of their uncompensated removal from the forest, extreme and chronic poverty, and unfair land transactions. In addition, crises of land scarcity and depletion, returning refugees, and the need to support rapid population growth and urbanization have led to a radical restructuring of the landscape, which has contributed to the dispossession of the Batwa.

In 2008, a community of Batwa were relocated to Kayonza district and, since 2014, 43 families have sold their land and homes because of a dire need for money. The properties were sold for a fraction of what they were actually worth, and the Minister of State for Local Government travelled to Kayonza in 2018 to survey the situation. The community expressed great regret and are now more aware of property ownership and management. Local government is also taking measures to prevent vulnerable communities from being taken advantage of in this way again and other families who are given land from the government will now not be allowed to sell it.5

Notes and references

  1. See AIMPO – Kigali at http://bit.ly/2N2qYFj
  2. See IWGIA, “Report Of The African Commission’s Working Group On Indigenous Populations/Communities” http://bit.ly/2N2DDbm
  3. See UNPO, “Batwa: Recent Attacks Wake Memories of Ethnic Conflict” at http://bit.ly/2N2me2s
  4. See IGIHE, “Kayonza: Abasigajwe inyuma n’amateka mu marira nyuma yo kugurisha amasambu bahawe na leta” at http://bit.ly/2N2uFuz
  5. See Umuseke at http://bit.ly/2N7YLx6

 

There seem to be particular difficulties in conducting a census of Gabon’s population and figures therefore vary depending on the source. The latest figures from the 2010 census give a total of 1,480,000 inhabitants, more than 600,000 of whom live in the capital and its surrounding area.

The average population density is 4.6 inhabitants/km2 for a land area of 257,667 km2. If we take into account the population density in the capital (1,800 inhabitants/km2), however, the rest of the country remains inhabited at only a density of around 1 inhabitant/km2.

The population comprises some 50 ethnic groups of different cultures and languages, the main ones being the Fang (32%), Mpongw(15%), Mbd(14%), Punu (12%), Barkor Batk, Bakota and Obamba. 

Indigenous Peoples in Gabon 

Throughout Gabon, there are also hunter/gatherer communities (often called Pygmies) comprising numerous ethnic groups (Baka, Babongo, Bakoya, Baghame, Barimba, Akoula, Akwoa, etc.) with different languages, cultures and geographical locations. The Pygmy communities live both in the towns and in the forest. Their livelihoods and their cultures are inextricably linked to the forest, which covers 85% of Gabon. According to official data stated during a conference in Libreville on 27 April 2017, there are now some 16,162 Pygmies living across the national territory.The Baka live in Woleu-Ntem, particularly in the seven villages of Minvoul, and they number between 373 and 683 individuals. Other Baka have also been noted in Makokou, and upstream of Ivindo. They number some 866 individuals.

There are also Bakoya living in Ivindo, in Djouah (north) and Loué (east) districts of Zadié department (Mékambo). They number some 1,618 individuals across Ogooué-Ivindo. The greatest concentration of Pygmies is found among the Babongo of Lopé (Ogooué-Lolo), estimated at 708 individuals, but also the Bakouyi (Mulundu) and Babongo of Koulamoutou, Pana and lboundji, numbering some 2,325.To these statistics must be added the Babongo or Akoula of Haut-Ogooué (4,075 individuals) and those in Ngounié and Nyanga, 4,442 individuals. To complete this geographical tour of Gabon’s ethnolinguistic Pygmy communities, there are the Bavarama and Barimba in Nyanga (2,263 persons) and the Akowa (Port-Gentil, Omboue and Gamba) who account for around 327 individuals.

Recognition and the UNDRIP

In 2005, Gabon agreed that its Indigenous Peoples Development Plan (PDPA) should form part of the World Bank loan agreement for the Forest and Environment Sector Project. This was the Gabonese government’s first official recognition of the existence of Indigenous Peoples and of its responsibilities towards them. In 2007, Gabon voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The Amazigh form the Indigenous population of Libya. They are estimated to number some one million people, or more than 16% of the country’s total population. Libya voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Indigenous Peoples in Libya 

They live in various areas of Libya in the north, east and south of the country albeit without any geographical continuity. To the west of Tripoli, on the Mediterranean coast, they live in the town of At-Wilul (Zwara) and in the Adrar Infussen (Nefoussa) mountains, on the border with Tunisia; in the southeast, on the border with Egypt, they live in the oases of Awjla, Jalu and Jakhra; in the south, the Fezzan region is traditionally Kel-Tamasheq (Tuareg) territory, including the areas of Murzuq, Sebha, Ubari, Ghat and Ghadamès. Libya’s Kel-Tamasheq are naturally linked to other Kel-Tamasheq communities living across the borders with Niger and Algeria. Tripoli is also home to a significant Amazigh community. 

In addition to Arab and Amazigh communities, there is an ethnic minority in Libya known as the “Toubou”, comprising some 50,000 individuals. They are originally from the Tibesti plateau in Chad and they live along the Libya/Chad border. They live a nomadic way of life and practise pastoralism across an area that extends from northern Niger to the Sudan.

Challenges of the Amazigh 

During the time of Gaddafi (1969-2011), Libya was declared an exclusively “Arab and Muslim” country. The 1969 Constitutional Proclamation states in its first article that “Libya is an Arab republic (…), the Libyan people are a part of the Arab nation and its aim is total Arab unity. The country’s name is the Arab Republic of Libya”. Article Two adds that “Islam is the state religion and Arabic its official language”. Government policy since then has always relentlessly persecuted anyone who does not recognise Libya’s “Arab-Islamic identity”.

Following the 2011 “revolution”, a “Provisional Constitutional Council” submitted a draft new Constitution in 2017 that in no way changed the country’s identitary foundations. Article Two still provides that “Libya forms part of the Arab nation” and that “Arabic is the state language”. Article Six notes that “Islam is the state religion and Sharia the source of its law”.

Other discriminatory articles then follow prohibiting a non-Muslim Libyan from standing for election to the Chamber of Representatives (Article 69) or as President of the Republic (Article 101) and stating that justice shall be passed down “in the name of Allah” (Article 189). These articles are clearly aimed at imposing an Islamic republic, to the detriment of the diversity of cultures and beliefs in Libya. Due to Amazigh and Toubou opposition, however, and also because of the war, this draft constitution has not yet been adopted. 

In addition to the Han majority, the Chinese government recognizes 55 peoples of ethnic minorities. Although the Government of China adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, it does not recognize the term Indigenous Peoples, so the Declaration is not implemented in China. Human rights defenders emphasize increasing tension and widening the cracks in the relationship between the Han Chinese majority and ethnic minority peoples.

The Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional National Autonomy is an important basis for the governance of ethnic minority peoples. It includes the establishment of ethnic autonomous regions, the establishment of their own local administrative government and the right to practice their own language and culture. Autonomous ethnic regions account for approximately 60% of China's total area.

Indigenous Peoples in China

China proclaims itself as a unified country with a diverse ethnic composition, and all ethnic groups are considered equal in the Constitution. In addition to the Han Chinese majority, the government recognizes 55 ethnic minorities within its borders.

According to the latest government data from the 2010 national census, the population of ethnic minorities stands at 111,964,901 people or 8.4% of the country's total population. There are still ethnic groups not recognized in China, totalling 640,101 people.

Most mother tongue teaching in ethnic minority regions in China has been marginalized due to the primacy of teaching the Chinese language. The language and education policy focus on raising the literacy rate of Putonghua (standard Chinese) in rural communities and ethnic minority regions.

The Xinjiang education board sent official notifications in October 2017, to promote the teaching of the Mandarin Chinese language from primary school, and that all courses and textbooks in Uighur and Kazakh will be banned.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of China

The main economic and social policies for people belonging to ethnic minorities in China are covered by the National Five-Year Plan (2016-2020) which emphasizes economic development to address the many complicated issues and different ethnic cultures of minorities in China.

Although in some ethnic minority regions the livelihoods of people have improved thanks to the government's economic stimulus programs, ethnic minority peoples are still subjected to oppression and discriminatory policies, and in Xinjiang Uyghur, Tibet continues Political unrest and cultural conflicts. Autonomous ethnic regions of Inner Mongolia.

One of the most protracted and difficult challenges is that of the Chinese authorities and the Uighur Muslim people of Xinjiang, where the government continues to implement strict controls on the Uighurs to prevent them from practising their religious and cultural traditions.

Another struggle for the Indigenous Peoples of China is related to the restrictions of their movements. Although the Xinjiang regional government abolished the personal identification program, tracked residency and movement of people and restricted Uyghurs from travelling outside the province, a new decree has been announced that requires Xinjiang residents to surrender their passports to public security authorities. annual review and will be retained for safekeeping after review.

In addition, the conflict over the expropriation of land and the forced relocation of inhabitants continues to be a challenge for many Indigenous Peoples in the Autonomous Region of Inner Mongolia. Local residents have protested the lease of their pasture lands to mining companies and real estate developers, noting that the transfer of property and the rental of land is illegal and that mining activities result in pollution and environmental degradation.

The conflict over land and natural resources between the Mongols and the Han Chinese has been ongoing for many hundreds of years. Today the Mongols are protesting more, using modern technology to present their case to the outside world. These more vigorous and well-organized actions are turning into civil resistance and a direct challenge to the Beijing government.

In India, there are 705 ethnic groups officially recognized as "Scheduled Tribes". In central India, the Scheduled Tribes are usually referred to as Adivasis, which literally means Indigenous Peoples.

India has several laws and constitutional provisions, such as the Fifth Schedule for Central India and the Sixth List for certain areas of northeastern India that recognize the rights of Indigenous Peoples to land and self-government, but their implementation is far from being satisfactory. India voted in favour of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on the condition that after independence all Indians are Indigenous. Therefore, it does not consider the concept of "Indigenous Peoples", and therefore the UNDRIP, applicable to India.

Indigenous Peoples in India

Indigenous Peoples in India comprise an estimated population of 104 million or 8.6% of the national population. Although there are 705 officially recognized ethnic groups, there are many more ethnic groups that would qualify for the scheduled tribe status, but which are not officially recognized. Therefore, the total number of tribal groups is undoubtedly higher than the official figure.

The largest concentrations of Indigenous Peoples are found in the seven northeastern states of India, and the so-called "central tribal belt" that stretches from Rajasthan to West Bengal.

The state government of Jharkhand declared the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples celebrated on August 9 every year worldwide as a state holiday. These are major developments in terms of the official recognition of Indigenous populations.

Main challenges for Indigenous groups in India

According to the latest report (Crime in India 2016) of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) of the Ministry of the Interior, 6,568 cases of crimes against Indigenous Peoples were reported in the country during 2016, compared to 10,914 cases in 2015, which shows a substantial decrease. However, these were only reported cases of atrocities committed by indigenous people against Indigenous People and do not include cases of human rights violations by the security forces.

In that sense, in 2017, the security forces continued to be responsible for human rights violations against Indigenous People. In areas affected by armed conflicts, Indigenous Peoples are caught between armed opposition groups (AOGs) and security forces. The cases are numerous and many are not informed.

Another struggle for Indigenous Peoples in India is their right to the land. There are a plethora of laws that prohibit the sale or transfer of tribal lands to non-Indians and the restoration of alienated lands to tribal landowners. However, these laws are still ineffective, are not invoked or are intended to weaken them. In addition, a large number of tribes that lived in the forests were denied their rights and the tribes continued to live under the threat of an eviction in the name of forest and animal conservation.

The situation of tribal women and girls in India remains very worrying, as they are clearly deprived of many of their rights. Collective and individual rights are violated in private and public spaces. Sexual violence, trafficking, killing/branding, militarization or state violence and the impact of development-induced displacement, etc., remain important issues. The NCRB in its latest report stated that 974 tribal women were raped during 2016.

 

Indonesia is the home of an estimated 50 to 70 million Indigenous Peoples. Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia increasingly suffer from criminalization and violence, often related to investments in indigenous territories.

The third amendment to the Indonesian Constitution recognizes the rights of Indigenous Peoples in Article 18b-2. In the most recent legislation, there is an implicit recognition of some rights of the peoples known as Masyarakat adat or Masyarakat hukum adat, which include Law No. 5/1960 on Basic Agrarian Regulation, Law No. 39/1999 on Human Rights and the Decree of MPR No X / 2001 on Agrarian Reform.

Law No. 27/2007 on the management of coastal and small islands and Law No. 32/2010 on the environment clearly use the term Masyarakat Adat and use the practical definition of AMAN. The Constitutional Court confirmed the constitutional rights of Indigenous Peoples over their lands and territories in May 2013, including their collective rights over traditional forests.

Although Indonesia is a signatory to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), government officials argue that the concept of Indigenous Peoples is not applicable, since almost all Indonesians (with the exception of the Chinese) ) are Indigenous and have the right to the same rights As a result, the government has rejected calls for the specific needs of groups that identify themselves as Indigenous.

On August 10, 2015, the Ministry of Environment and Forestry agreed to be the administrator of 6.8 million hectares of Indigenous maps for inclusion in the One Map initiative.

Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia

Indonesia has a population of approximately 260 million people, and the government recognizes 1,331 ethnic groups. Recent laws and government decrees use the term Masyarakat adat to refer to Indigenous Peoples. The national organization of Indigenous Peoples, Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN), estimates that the number of Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia is between 50 and 70 million people.

The Ministry of Social Affairs identifies some Indigenous communities as komunitas adat terpencil (geographically isolated Indigenous communities). However, many more people identify themselves or are considered by others as Indigenous.

West Papua covers the western part of the island of New Guinea and comprises the two Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua (Papua Barat). It has a population of 4.378 million people split across two provinces, with 3.5 million in Papua province and 878,000 in West Papua province. More than 50% of the population in both provinces are migrants who came from other parts of Indonesia through the government-sponsored transmigration program between the 1970s and early 2000s.

West Papua has the most diverse cultures and languages in Indonesia. While Bahasa Indonesia is the official language spoken now, there are more than 250 tribal languages spoken by Indigenous Papuans today. West Papua is divided into seven distinct customary territories: Mamberamo Tabi (Mamta), Saireri, Domberai and Bomberai, Mee Pago, La Pago and Ha Anim.

Main challenges for Indigenous Peoples in Indonesia

Violence and criminalization of Indigenous Peoples continue. There has been no significant effort to systematically stop acts of violence against Indigenous Peoples. In addition, the management of cases of violence and criminalization of indigenous peoples became more complicated in 2016, especially with the appearance of new types of conflicts related to infrastructure and dams, and the most obvious military intervention in such violence and criminalization.

Since 1999, the Government plans to build a reservoir for irrigation in the district of Ngada, a territory of the Rendu Indians. After the Ngada district expanded to some new districts, the site for this reservoir development plan was included in the administration area of a new district, the Nagekeo district. Since the beginning of this plan, the Indigenous Peoples of Rendu and other communities directly affected by the project have carried out different studies to demonstrate their possible negative effects.

However, on November 8, 2016, the Police and Public Order Enforces oversaw the drilling tools imported by the local Nagekeo government. The community suffered a blockade. However, they could not hold it, and the drill was finally placed at the location of the survey. The drill was guarded by enforcers of public order and police officers. The next day, people were surprised by the news from the Head of the Unit of National Unity and Politics of the Nagekeo District, saying that the drill rig had been set on fire.

On September 6, 2017, President Joko Widodo signed Presidential Regulation No. 88 of 2017 on Land Tenure Settlements in Forest Areas. The Presidential Regulation states that the Government will carry out land tenure settlements in forest areas controlled and used by the community.

This presidential regulation leaves a series of questions, among others, about limiting the resolution of land conflicts in forest areas, while the resolution of land conflicts in areas will be carried out by relocating the community (resettlement) unless can demonstrate that they have inhabited the area well before its inauguration as a forest area.

Okinawans or Ryūkyūans are the Indigenous Peoples of the Ryūkyū Islands, which make up the current Okinawa prefecture in Japan. The Ainu are the Indigenous People of Hokkaido, the second largest island in Japan.

The Japanese government has adopted the UNDRIP, although it does not recognize the unconditional right to self-determination and has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

Indigenous Peoples in Japan

Okinawans, or Ryūkyūans, live in the Ryūkyū Islands, which make up the current Okinawa prefecture in Japan. They comprise several groups of Indigenous languages with different cultural features. Although there has been some migration of ethnic Japanese to the islands, the population is largely Indigenous Ryūkyūans.

The island is home to 1.1 million of the 1.4 million inhabitants of Okinawa who live throughout Ryūkyūs. The Japanese government does not recognize the inhabitants of Okinawa as Indigenous. The most recent government surveys put the Ainu population in Hokkaido at 13,118 (2017) and in the rest of Japan at 210 (2011), though experts estimate the actual population to be much higher.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Japan

One of the main and lasting challenges for the inhabitants of Okinawa is their struggle for land. For the past 21 years, an ongoing campaign has attempted to close the dangerous and ageing Futenma Air Station, which the US and Japanese governments linked to the construction of a new US military complex in the rural bays Henoko and Oura of Okinawa.

In 2017, Japanese Prime Minister Abe and President Trump reaffirmed their commitment to the Henoko-Oura project, with their development, set the stage for construction that will begin in April 2017. However, surveys consistently show that most of the Okinawans oppose the Henoko-Oura project.

The new base would be the first major facility built in Okinawa in 60 years, but for the people of Okinawa it presages a future that looks too much like the present and the past. The effects of the US military presence UU

They are always a concern for the inhabitants of Okinawa, but they became a special focus of anger and protest in 2017 due to the frequency of serious incidents, such as a window of an aeroplane falling on a school sports field, in addition to the effects on health caused by military activities.

Crime is another challenge in the lives of the inhabitants of Okinawa, which increases the feeling of insecurity. In April 2017, an Okinawan woman died after being raped and stabbed by a former US military officer. Later that year, a soldier of the Marine Corps hit and killed an Okinawan man while driving drunk.

However, the statistics published at the end of 2017 revealed that the processing rate of people related to the US military. It was less than half that of Japanese citizens.

Possible progress for Indigenous Peoples in Japan

The Japanese government began to consider the implementation of a "New Ainu Law" in May 2016 to support the sustenance of the Ainu. In 2017, it was reported that the government would aim to implement the new law by 2020 and that the law would probably stipulate the Ainu as Indigenous Peoples for the first time in history.

In preparation for the new law, the government announced that it would conduct a national survey during the fiscal year 2017 on the living conditions of the Ainu. The survey will include closed audiences both inside and outside of Hokkaido, with the aim of covering those of Ainu descent who did not want to openly reveal their heritage.

With a population of just over 7 million, Laos, officially the Lao People’s Democratic Republic or Lao PDR, is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in mainland Southeast Asia. The ethnic Lao, comprising around half of the population, dominate the country economically and culturally.

There are, however, some provinces and districts where the number of Indigenous People exceeds that of the Lao and where their culture is prominent. There are four ethnolinguistic families in Laos; Lao-Tai language-speaking groups represent two-thirds of the population. The other third speaks languages belonging to the MonKhmer, Sino-Tibetan and Hmong-Ew-Hmien families and these are considered to be the Indigenous Peoples of Laos.

Indigenous Peoples in Laos

Officially, all ethnic groups have equal status in Laos, and the concept of Indigenous Peoples is not recognised by the government, despite the fact that Laos voted in favour of adopting the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Lao government uses the term ethnic group to refer to Indigenous People.

The Lao government currently recognises 160 ethnic subgroups within 50 ethnic groups. Indigenous Peoples, especially those who speak Hmong-Ew-Hmien languages, are unequivocally the most vulnerable groups in Laos. They face territorial, economic, cultural and political pressures and are experiencing various threats to their livelihoods.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Laos

Their land and resources are increasingly under pressure from pro-investment government development policies and commercial natural resource exploitation. Indigenous People lag behind the majority Lao-Tai at all economic levels. They have worse access to healthcare, lower rates of education, and less access to clean water and sanitation.

Indigenous Peoples’ relying on unimproved or surface water ranged from between 20 to 32.5%, compared to just 8.5% of Lao-Tai, and while only 13.9% of Lao-Tai practice open defecation, that percentage rises to between 30.3 to 46.3% among Indigenous Peoples.

Laos has ratified ICERD (1974), CEDAW (1981), CRC (1991), ICCPR (2009). The Lao government, however, severely restricts fundamental rights, including freedom of speech (media), association, assembly and religion, and civil society is closely controlled. Organisations openly focusing on Indigenous Peoples or using related terms in the Lao language are thus not allowed, while open discussions about Indigenous Peoples with the government can be sensitive, especially since the issue is seen as pertaining to special (human) rights.

Possible progress for the Indigenous Peoples of Laos

A positive achievement in relation to land rights in 2017 was the enactment of the recently amended Investment Promotion Law. This law has halved the maximum investment period for new concession projects to 50 years, compared to the previous maximum period of 99 years. The new law is expected to improve the clarity and ease of doing business in the country.

Despite the lack of recognition of collective lands in the national regulatory framework, some projects have successfully carried out participatory land use planning (PLUP) in several areas of the country to secure communal land and access to forests, fallows and natural resources.

The peoples of the Orang Asli, Orang Ulu and Anak Negeri groups constitute the Indigenous population of Malaysia. While Malaysia adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the country's Indigenous population faces a number of challenges, especially in terms of land rights. Malaysia has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

The Orang Asli, the Orang Ulu and the Anak Negeri peoples

As of 2017, the Indigenous Peoples of Malaysia were estimated to account for around 13.8% of the 31,660,700 million national population.

They are collectively known as Orang Asal. The Orang Asli are the Indigenous Peoples of Peninsular Malaysia. The 18 Orang Asli subgroups within the Negrito (Semang), Senoi and Aboriginal-Malay groups account for 0.7% of the population of Peninsular Malaysia (31,950,000).

In Sarawak, the Indigenous Peoples are collectively known as natives (Dayak and/or Orang Ulu). They include the Iban, Bidayuh, Kenyah, Kayan, Kedayan, Lunbawang, Punan, Bisayah, Kelabit, Berawan, Kejaman, Ukit, Sekapan, Melanau and Penan. They constitute around 1,932,600 or 70.5% of Sarawak’s population of 2,707,600 people.

In Sabah, the 39 different Indigenous ethnic groups are known as natives or Anak Negeri and make up some 2,233,100 or 58.6% of Sabah’s population of 3,813,200. The main groups are the Dusun, Murut, Paitan and Bajau groups.

While the Malays are also Indigenous to Malaysia, they are not categorised as Indigenous Peoples because they constitute the majority and are politically, economically and socially dominant.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Malaysia

In Sarawak and Sabah, laws introduced by the British during their colonial rule recognising the customary land rights and customary law of the Indigenous Peoples are still in place. However, they are not properly implemented, and are even outright ignored by the government, which gives priority to large-scale resource extraction and the plantations of private companies and state agencies over the rights and interests of the Indigenous communities.

In Peninsular Malaysia, while there is a clear lack of reference to Orang Asli customary land rights in the National Land Code, Orang Asli customary tenure is recognised under common law. The principal act that governs Orang Asli administration, including occupation of the land, is the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954.

Malaysia has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and endorsed the Outcome Document of the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples but has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

The Nepali population is composed of 125 castes and ethnic groups. Nepal has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169.

However, the Constitution, enacted in 2015, denies collective rights and aspirations for federalism based on the identity of Indigenous Peoples, making the Indigenous Peoples of Nepal amount to challenges. It remains to be seen how the amendments or the new wording of the new constitution and the drafting of new legislation will comply with the provisions of these international human rights norms.

Indigenous Peoples in Nepal

According to the 2011 census, the indigenous nationalities (Adivasi Janajati) of Nepal comprise 36% of the total population of 26.5 million. However, organizations of Indigenous Peoples claim a figure of more than 50%.

The 2011 census included the population as belonging to 125 castes and ethnic groups, including 63 indigenous peoples, 59 castes, including 15 Dalit castes, and three religious groups, including Muslim groups.

Although Indigenous Peoples constitute a significant proportion of the population, throughout the history of Nepal, indigenous peoples have been discriminated against, marginalized, excluded, subjugated, dominated and exploited in terms of land, territories, resources, language, culture, laws customary and political and economic opportunities.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Nepal

The new Constitution of Nepal, promulgated in 2015 amidst the controversy and the use of state violence against Indigenous Peoples and the Madhesi, has failed in its implementation.

This is due to disputes between the main political parties, the lack of meaningful inclusion of all groups in society in the drafting process, and the continuous protests of the Indigenous and madhesis peoples.

The Lawyers Association for the Human Rights of Nepalese Indigenous Peoples (LAHURNIP) has identified several forms of discrimination against indigenous peoples in the constitution, and the movement of indigenous peoples requires total modifications, from the preamble to the annexes, or a complete rewriting of the constitution in line with UNDRIP, ILO Convention 169 and the Final Document.

The Constitution has stipulated the establishment of two commissions: one for Indigenous Peoples and another for Tharus. However, it seems that these two commissions will lack power, without authority or judicial power or other significant power in addition to dealing with some development work, such as income-generating activities, interactive programs and capacity building of Indigenous Peoples' organizations.

There are still challenges for the indigenous peoples of Nepal in terms of participation in programs and policymaking processes such as the UNDRIP and the Paris Agreement of the UNFCCC due to lack of awareness, access to information, defense and the hegemonic mentality of the policymakers.

Possible progress for the Indigenous Peoples of Nepal

More than 100 Indigenous and local individuals signed a memorandum on the expansion of roads in the Kathmandu Valley asking that the criteria drafted without consultation and consent of the indigenous Newars and other locals be eliminated according to their rights guaranteed in the Local Autonomy Law of 1999 and ILO Convention 169 and UNDRIP.

The memorandum also states that any development program must be carried out only with the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples in the municipality and warns of protests if the demands are not met. UNDP Nepal, in partnership with the National Federation of Indigenous Women (NIWF), has initiated research on the economic empowerment of Indigenous women in Nepal.

The number of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines is unknown, but it is estimated that between 10% and 20% of the country's population. The Philippines has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but has not yet ratified ILO Convention 169.

Republic Law 8371, known as the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA), was enacted in 1997. It has been praised for its support for the cultural integrity of Indigenous Peoples, the right to their lands and the right to self-directed development of these lands.

A more substantial implementation of the law is still sought, as the Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines continue to live in geographically isolated areas with lack of access to basic social services and few opportunities for widespread economic activities, education or political participation.

The Igorot, the Lumad and the Mangyan

The last census of 2010 included an ethnic variable for the first time. However, an official figure for the Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines has yet arrived, and it is estimated that the country's indigenous population is between 10% and 20% of the national population, which currently stands at around 102.9 million.

The indigenous groups in the mountains of northern Luzon are collectively known as Igorot, while the groups on the southern island of Mindanao are collectively called Lumad. There are smaller groups collectively known as Mangyan in the central islands, and even smaller and scattered groups in the central islands and Luzon, including several groups of hunter-gatherers in transition.

Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines have retained much of their traditional, pre-colonial culture, social institutions and living practices. In general, they live in geographically isolated areas with lack of access to basic social services and few opportunities for major economic activities, education or political participation. In contrast, commercially valuable natural resources such as minerals, forests and rivers are found mainly in their areas, which makes them continuously vulnerable to aggression against development and land grabbing.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines

Indigenous Peoples participated in the electoral process by presenting their own political party, Sulong Katribu, to represent their interests in the 2016 national elections. Their attempt to win seats in Congress through the party-list system failed not because of lack of votes, but because the Elections Commission and the Supreme Court refused to accredit Sulong Katribu to participate in the elections.

The disqualification of the party list was condemned by many Indigenous Peoples, who filed appeals stating that all requirements for the accreditation of party lists had been met and that the disqualification of Sulong Katribu was a measure to further marginalize and discriminate against the parties Indigenous Peoples. However, these appeals were also denied.

KATRIBU, the national alliance of the regional organization of Indigenous Peoples, recorded 37 cases of extrajudicial executions of Indigenous Peoples, 62 illegal arrests, 21 political prisoners, 20 incidents of forced evacuation that affected 21,966 Indigenous Peoples, more than a hundred people faced charges, and the forced closure of 34 Lumad schools since Duterte assumed the presidency in July 2016.

Possible progress for the Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines


2,600 Indians and Moro carried out successfully, under the SANDUGO movement of national minorities for self-determination, the second Lakbayan or Caravan of Protest of National Minorities for Self-Determination and Just Peace in Metro Manila.

There are 16 officially recognized indigenous peoples in Taiwan. This number excludes the Indigenous Peoples of Pingpu, whom the Government denies official recognition. Since Taiwan is not a member of the United Nations, it has not been able to officially vote on the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples or to ratify ILO Convention 169.

At the national level, the Government of Taiwan recognized certain rights of Indigenous Peoples through the Fundamental Law of Indigenous Peoples (2005), the Education for Indigenous Peoples Law (2004), the State Law for Indigenous Peoples ( 2001) and the Regulation Recognition of Indigenous Peoples (2002).

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan

The officially recognised Indigenous population of Taiwan numbers 571,816 people (2019), or 2.42% of the total population. Sixteen distinct Indigenous Peoples are officially recognised. In addition, there are at least 10 Pingpu Indigenous Peoples who are denied official recognition. Most of Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples originally lived in the central mountains, on the east coast and in the south. However, nowadays nearly half of the Indigenous population lives in the urban areas of the country.

The Indigenous Peoples of Taiwan face the erosion of traditional cultures and languages under the pressure of assimilation of the main society, and due to the policy imposed by the state to use Mandarin Chinese. The government ministry known as the Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP), created in 1996, works to protect the rights and well-being of Indigenous Peoples.

Since 1996, the ministry known as the Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP) works to protect the rights and well-being of Indigenous Peoples. In addition, the Constitution of Taiwan guarantees political representation for Indigenous Peoples, with eight current indigenous legislators of 113 seats (7%) in the national parliament, and indigenous representation is also guaranteed at the local government level for the six main cities and Many municipal councils. Indigenous Peoples operate and operate the Indigenous Television of Taiwan (TITV) and several radio stations under the national network of public media.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Taiwan

One of the main struggles of the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan is the constant denial of recognition of the indigenous status to the Pingpu ethnic groups, ten groups of Aboriginal peoples of the low plains.

Violations of the rights to land and natural resources by commercial, mining and tourism development are other key challenges that Indigenous Peoples still face in their own land. In that sense, several indigenous activists have held a sustained protest centred on the rights to land and the return of traditional territories during 2017.

Possible progress for the Indigenous Peoples of Taiwan

In 2017, the Taiwanese Parliament approved the enactment of the law "Indigenous Language Development Law". This law grants official status to indigenous languages, promotes the teaching and speaking of the mother tongue in indigenous districts, and in those regions with more than 1,500 indigenous inhabitants.

It also guarantees the use of the mother tongue in judicial cases and judicial proceedings, and the right to receive judicial documents and government notifications in their own language.

In September 2017, the Council of the Minister of Indigenous Peoples, Icyang Parod, announced a National Museum of Indigenous Peoples, to be built in 2018 in the Cheng Ching Lake Park area of the city of Kaohsiung in the south of Taiwan The museum is intended to serve the indigenous peoples of southern Taiwan, as well as to become a tourism and research center for Austronesian cultures, promoting links between the indigenous peoples of Taiwan and Southeast Asia.

Vietnam is considered a multi-ethnic country with 54 recognized ethnic groups, of which 53 are ethnic minority groups. Although the country voted in favor of UNDRIP, it does not recognize ethnic minorities as Indigenous Peoples and has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

There is no specific law on ethnic minorities, but an agency at the ministerial level, the Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs, is in charge of the affairs of ethnic minorities. The government of Vietnam has ratified CERD, CEDAW and CRC.

Indigenous Peoples in Vietnam

Indigenous Peoples in Vietnam account for about 14.1 million people or around 14.7% of the country’s total population of about 96 million. Vietnam has 54 recognized ethnic groups, 53 of which are minority ethnic groups, and is therefore considered a multi-ethnic country. The Government of Vietnam does not apply the term "Indigenous Peoples" to any of these minority ethnic groups. The term "ethnic minorities" is used instead.

Poverty is still high among ethnic minorities. In 2015, the poverty rate registered for ethnic minorities was 23.1%, while the national poverty rate was 7%.

All ethnic minorities have Vietnamese citizenship, and the Vietnam Constitution guarantees that all people have the same rights. Ethnic minority groups have their own culture and different traditions.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Vietnam

One of the challenges for Indigenous Peoples in Vietnam is land tenure and the allocation of forest land to communities. Policies, laws and regulations related to land and forest tenure vary according to the different provinces of Vietnam.

This creates a situation of uncertainty and insecurity for many MS, as well as an unequal distribution of land. For example, in 2015, only 26% of the total area of forest land was allocated to households and 2% of that land was allocated to communities for management. However, some communities complained that the quality of the forests allocated to households and communities was low, with no plant cover and difficult to generate income from these forest lands.

Possible progress for the Indigenous Peoples of Vietnam

UN-REDD is the first program in Vietnam to promote the participation of ethnic minorities (MS) at all levels of the country. It was held in Vietnam with the technical support of UNEP, FAO and UNDP since 2009.

Members of the MS Network, with the support of the Center for Sustainable Development in Mountain Areas (CSDM), have been organized and strengthened to participate in developing, implementing and monitoring the REDD + processes in these six pilot provinces. One of the important elements of the activities related to REDD was the pilot test of FPIC (free, prior and informed consent) in the six provinces of UNREDD.

Recently there has been a step towards equality in access to land, although results are still expected. This Land Law on Marriege and Family requires, for married couples, to register both names for a jointly owned plot, unless both decide to register only one name.

Bangladesh is home to more than 54 Indigenous Peoples who speak at least 35 languages, along with the majority of the Bengali population. Bangladesh has not adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the economic and political rights of the country's Indigenous Peoples continue to be ignored.

The government of Bangladesh does not recognize Indigenous Peoples as indigenous. However, since the amendment of the 2011 Constitution, peoples with different ethnic identities than the Bengali population are mentioned. However, only cultural aspects are mentioned, while issues related to the economic and political rights of Indigenous Peoples, in particular their rights to land, continue to be ignored.

Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh

According to the 2011 census conducted by the Government of Bangladesh, the country's Indigenous population comprises approximately 1,586,141, 1.8% of the country's total population. However, Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh claim that their population is approximately 5 million.

Approximately 80% of the Indigenous Population lives in the flatland districts of the north and southeast of the country, while the rest reside in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. In the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Indigenous Peoples are commonly known as Jummas for their crop rotation agriculture, known locally as Jum.

Along with the official language of Bengali, the Indigenous Peoples of Bangladesh speak at least 35 languages. Measures have been taken to include teachers from Indigenous groups and texts in Indigenous languages ​​at the pre-primary school, and the government has distributed books for the nursery school in five Indigenous languages, namely Chakma, Garo, Kokborok, Marma and Sadri.

However, the government has not yet taken any action to train an adequate number of qualified teachers with the necessary linguistic skills in these languages ​​and has not yet presented a plan for native education in the later stages for the pre-primary level, nor for other Indigenous languages.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Bangladesh

The land rights of Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh continue to be one of the alarming issues and a key factor in serious human rights violations in the country. Indigenous Peoples' organizations have protested against the growing number of human rights violations and demand protection, promotion and respect for their human rights.

Although the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Agreement was a constructive agreement between the Indigenous Peoples and the Government of Bangladesh, after 19 years, the main problems of the Agreement remain unresolved. Indigenous Peoples still face challenges in areas such as the return of power and functions to the Chittagong Hill Tracts institutions, the preservation of the characteristics of the tribal area of ​​the Chittagong Hill Tracts region, the demilitarization and rehabilitation of the internally displaced.

The situation of Indigenous women continues to be alarming. Sexual and physical attacks have become a common means of being used against Indigenous women and girls, while none of the alleged perpetrators have been brought to justice. In 2016, Bangladesh was revised by the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The concluding observations highlight that the government should: "effectively investigate all reports of gender-based violence against indigenous women related to land grabbing and take steps to bring those responsible to justice." In 2017, at least 56 Indigenous women and girls were sexually assaulted

Advances in land disputes and education for Indigenous groups in Bangladesh

The Chittagong Hill Tracts Land Dispute Resolution Commission Act of 2001 was amended in August 2016. The amendment is expected to pave the way for the proper resolution of land disputes and the return of dispossessed lands belonging to native populance.

The Government of Bangladesh undertook initiatives to fulfill its responsibility to ensure primary education for indigenous children, including a measure in 2017 to nationalize 210 primary schools in Chittagong Hill Tracts. The Ministry of Primary and Mass Education produced pre-school textbooks in 5 indigenous languages ​​and distributed around 25,000 books.

On the other hand, Indigenous activists identified the lack of adequate, competent and qualified teachers in Indigenous languages. In addition, children belonging to many remote Indigenous communities still can not realize their right to education due to the lack of educational institutions in those areas.

There is no accurate information about the number of Indigenous Peoples in Myanmar, partly due to a lack of understanding of the internationally recognised concept of Indigenous Peoples. 

Myanmar has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but the country's indigenous peoples still face a number of challenges, including armed conflict, violations of human rights and land rights.

Maynmar has not signed the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), nor has it ratified ILO Convention 169. The country is part of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), although until now it has not taken into account many of the respective recommendations of the committees of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention Committee against Crime.

Indigenous Peoples in Myanmar

The government claims that all citizens of Myanmar are “Indigenous” (taing-yin-tha), and on that basis dismisses the applicability of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) to Myanmar. Indigenous Peoples’ rights activists use the Burmese language term hta-nay-tainyin-tha in describing Indigenous Peoples, based on international principles; using the criteria of non-dominance in the national context, historical continuity, ancestral territories and self-identification. The government recognises eight ethnic groups as national races or taung yin tha: Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Chin, Mon, Burman, Arakan and Shan.

According to the 1982 Citizenship Law, ethnic groups who have been present in the current geographical area of Myanmar since before 1823 (the beginning of the first British annexation) are considered taung yin tha. However, there are more ethnic groups that are considered or see themselves as Indigenous Peoples, such as the Naga, that would not identify with any of those groups.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Myanmar

One of the main struggles of the Indigenous Peoples of Myanmar is related to the consequences of armed conflicts, which steadily increased throughout 2016, particularly in the Rakhine State involving the ethnic Rohingya minority. Humanitarian support has been slow to authorize or has been completely blocked during combat periods, affecting Indigenous Peoples and ethnic minorities in the Shan, Kachin, Chin and Rakhine states.

Another ongoing struggle is related to the rights of Indigenous women. The Myanmar delegation stated at the 64th session of the UN Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Committee that women do not face "social barriers in education, employment and career advancement". However, in the 330 municipalities of Myanmar, no municipal administrator is female, and of 16,785 Village Tract / Ward Administrators, only 42 are women.

The delegation also defended the controversial Laws of Protection of Race and Religion that, if implemented, would violate the norms of the convention. The Committee urged the government to amend or repeal the set of laws, as well as preconceived constitutionally implicit ideas about the role of women in society.

Indigenous women in Myanmar face great barriers to accessing justice for gender-based violence, and the Committee highlighted the fear of reprisals from women in Indigenous and ethnic minority communities by reporting sexual assault or rape by armed forces. armed.

In spite of the continuous agrarian reforms in Myanmar, the opposing interests on land remained in 2017, characterized by the lack of free, prior and informed consent, inadequate compensation for relocation and the lack of transparent judicial resources.

To further aggravate the problem, there are 17 different departments that do not include armed ethnic administrations, related to land governance, which means that Indigenous lands and territories are still vulnerable to the state-sponsored cronyism that is so prevalent. as usual.

It is worth noting that military confiscation of land continues to take place purely in the pursuit of recreational activities.

Possible progress for the Indigenous Peoples of Myanmar

The sixth and final draft of the National Land Use Policy (NLUP), which was approved by the parliament in 2016, includes a chapter on the Land Use Rights of Ethnic Nationalities which refers to the customary tenure of the land and the mapping of the use of the land. Customary protections of land tenure are not limited to agricultural land, but also include practices of shifting cultivation on forest lands, as well as recognition of communal land tenure systems, such as shifting cultivation.

Myanmar organized two National Policy Dialogues on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2017, which brought together a total of 105 participants, including representatives of the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs of the Union, Ministers of Ethnic Affairs at the state and regional levels, representatives of organizations of indigenous peoples as well as representatives of the UN.

Although Thailand adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, it does not officially recognize the existence of Indigenous Peoples in the country. There were some developments for the Indigenous Peoples of the country, but they continue to be stigmatized and challenged especially by land grabbing by the government.

Thailand has ratified or is a signatory to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Indigenous Peoples in Thailand

The Indigenous Peoples of Thailand live mainly in three geographical regions of the country: Indigenous fisher communities (the Chao Ley) and small populations of hunter-gatherers in the south (Mani people); small groups on the Korat plateau of the north-east and east; and the many different highland peoples in the north and north-west of the country (known by the derogatory term Chao-Khao). Nine so-called “hill tribes” are officially recognised: the Hmong, Karen, Lisu, Mien, Akha, Lahu, Lua, Thin and Khamu. 

The estimated Indigenous population in Thailand is around five million people, which accounts for 7.2% of the total population.2 According to the Department of Social Development and Welfare (2002), the total officially recognised “hill-tribe” population numbers 925,825 and they are distributed across 20 provinces in the north and west of the country. There are still no figures available for the indigenous groups in the south and north-east.

When national boundaries in South-East Asia were drawn during the colonial era, and as a result in the wake of decolonisation, many Indigenous Peoples living in remote highlands and forests were divided. For example, you can find Lua and Karen people in both Thailand and Myanmar, and Akha people in Laos, Myanmar, south-west China and Thailand.

Get the latest updates from this IWGIA and EU supported portal for Indigenous Peoples information in Thailand >>

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Thailand

A major struggle for the Indigenous Peoples of Thailand is land grabbing by the government, such as Rawai, located in the province of Phuket. Rawai is a popular tourist spot in southern Thailand and also home to Chao Ley, a collective term for three indigenous groups: the Mogan, Moglen and Urak Lawoi.

Its population is approximately 13,000 living in the five provinces of Phang Nga, Phuket, Krabi, Satun and Ranong along the Andaman coastal area and the sea. Baron World Trade Co. Ltd claims ownership of more than 5 hectares of land, including the public beach in the subdistrict of Rawai in the Muang Phuket district, which overlaps with the ancestral lands of Chao Law, which have been used to celebrate sacred ceremonies for generations.

The situation degenerated into violence in 2016 when the company hired a group of young men to prevent the villagers from entering the area. The youths destroyed the huts and fishing equipment of Chao Ley, and around 30 Chao Ley were injured in the violent encounter and 10 seriously injured.

The government approved a master plan to solve the problems of deforestation, and that includes the suppression and arrest of people who are invading or destroying forest lands. These operations raise serious concerns for Indigenous Peoples, as they have not made an explicit distinction between illegal intruders and indigenous communities that have lived in those areas for a long time.

Indigenous Peoples in Cambodia

Cambodia is home to 24 different indigenous peoples, who speak mostly Mon-Khmer or Austronesian languages, and constitute 3% of the national population with an estimated 250,000 to 400,000 individuals. The Indigenous territories include the forested plateaus and highlands of North-eastern Cambodia, approximately 25% of the national territory.

While not disaggregated in the national census, other data confirms that Cambodian Indigenous Peoples continue to face discrimination and coerced displacement from their lands that are extinguishing them as distinct groups. These patterns are driven by ongoing state and transnational corporate ventures for resource extraction/conversion (mainly timber, minerals, hydro and agribusiness), coupled with growing in-migration from other parts of the country.

Political framework for Indigenous Peoples

Cambodia voted in 2007 to adopt the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples without reservation, and has ratified the CERD, CEDAW, and CRC. It has not assented to ILO Convention 169. During its last Universal Periodic Review (UPR) (2013), Cambodia accepted a recommendation that it “increase measures to tackle illegal land evictions [of] Indigenous People, and consider fortifying the legislative framework consistently with international standards.” However, this has so far not led to actual remedy to the discrimination and land insecurity Indigenous Peoples continued to face to this day. 

Main challenges for Indigenous Peoples in Cambodia

An Indigenous rights movement that began in the late 1990s continued to fight for their human rights; however, with deteriorating democratic freedoms and serious human rights violations, the ground on which the Indigenous rights movement exists has become more precarious. The repressive regime of Hun Sen and the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which has ruled the country since 1985, has persisted on a path of corruption, human rights abuses and non-democratic rule. In 2020, the government continued to target the independent media, civic organizations, NGOs, individuals exercising their civil and political rights and the opposition, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which was banned in 2017.

Papua New Guinea (PNG), formally the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, is a country in Oceania that encompasses the eastern half of the island of New Guinea and covers an area of 462,840 km2.1 The country’s name comes from “Papou” which, according to the  naturalist  Alfred Wallace, originates in the Malaysian puwah-puwah or papuwah meaning “frizzy”.2 New Guinea was the name given to the area by a 16th century Spanish explorer due to the assumed resemblance of its inhabitants to those of Equatorial Guinea in Africa. The country gained independence in 1975 and is now a member of the Commonwealth of Nations.3


Almost symbolically a federal structure, Papua New Guinea comprises 20 administrative provinces: Bougainville, Central, Chimbu, Eastern Highlands, East New Britain, East Sepik, Enga, Gulf, Madang, Manus, Milne Bay, Morobe, National Capital, New Ireland, Northern, Sandaun, Southern Highlands, Western, Western Highlands and West New Britain.

The island of Bougainville, which geographically forms part of the Solomon Islands but politically and administratively falls under Papua New Guinea, became a self-governing region in 2004. The inhabitants of PNG are known as Papua New Guineans or Papuans. It is the most multilingual country in the world, with 830 languages spoken among a population of 8.4 million, i.e. an average of 9,100 speakers per language.4

Papua New Guinea was absent from the vote on the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in September 2007.

Situation in Bougainville

The island of Bougainville has been the theatre of disturbance since 1988 when the Bougainville Revolutionary Army was created to fight for the island’s independence. The reasons for this demand for secession lie in the running of the Panguna copper mine because while none of the economic benefits have accrued to the local inhabitants, it has been an ecological disaster for the region. The withdrawal of the PNG army from Bougainville in March 1990 was followed by a proclamation of the island’s independence in May 1990.

A peace agreement was signed between the two parties in January 1991 but the return of the government’s military to Bougainville in October 1992 resulted in a resumption in hostilities. The capital, Arawa, was taken in January 1993. In October 1994, a peace conference was organised which culminated in a ceasefire but fighting resumed once more in 1996 following the murder of Bougainville’s transitional head of government. The year 2001 saw an end to the murderous conflict in Bougainville with the signing of a new peace agreement in Arawa, the island’s capital.

Bougainville was granted the status of “self-governing region” within Papua New Guinea and Joseph Kabui, former head of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army, became the first President of the autonomous region. The aim was to organise a referendum on Bougainville’s independence “in the coming years”. Twelve years of conflict resulted in between 10,000 and 20,000 victims, equalling 10% of the island’s population, the most bloody conflict in the Pacific since 1945.

The referendum outlined in the peace agreement took place between 23 November and 7 December 2019 and the result was resounding: 176,928 voters, or 98% of the votes cast, voted for independence, according to official figures published on 11 December. “Now we feel free, at least psychologically,” stated the President of the region, John Momis, on hearing the result.

Will the island therefore become the 194th state to be recognised by the United Nations? Nothing is certain. The referendum was not binding and represents only one stage in a process that dates back nearly 20 years.5

Indigenous Peoples in Argentina

Argentina is a federal country with 23 provinces and with a national population of approximately 40 million. The most recent national census (2010) gave a total of 955,032 people who self-identify as descended from or belonging to an Indigenous People. There are 35 different officially recognised Indigenous Peoples in the country. They legally hold specific constitutional rights at the federal level and in various provincial states.

Argentina has voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169. The country has also ratified other universal human rights instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic and Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).

Main challenges for Argentina’s Indigenous Peoples

The tensions and conflicts over Indigenous Peoples’ land claims worsened in 2017. The State of Argentina failed to guarantee and enforce Indigenous rights over land, and moreover, criminalised the members of Indigenous communities who called out for this failure. In the context of this scenario and the confrontation between the two parts, there have been numerous acts of violence, and even deaths of indigenous activists, as it is the case of Santiago Maldonado.

The tension over land sees one of its roots in the economic interest in extractive activities on the territories claimed by Indigenous Peoples, as guaranteed rights of Indigenous Peoples, is incompatible with the neo-developmentalist economic model that is based precisely on these extractive activities.

Potential progress for Argentina’s Indigenous Peoples

With the aim of reducing levels of violenece, spaces for intercultural dialogue were created during 2017. The peace and intercultural dialogue committee that was created nationally brought together representatives of different political spaces, civil society organisations, intellectuals, with the aim of finding a political response to the tensions that would enable Argentina to set aside the use of force when resolving territorial conflicts, and instead find peaceful and agreed solutions.

Some of the documents that have emerged from this space reflect on the portrayal of indigenous Mapuche as violent terrorists.

Indigenous Peoples in Bolivia

There are 36 recognized peoples in Bolivia. With the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples and a new Constitution, Bolivia adopted the status of a plurinational state. However, the country's Indigenous Peoples still face challenges, especially in terms of seismic work in search of new oil and gas reserves and hydroelectric projects.

The UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples was approved by Law in November 2007. Since 1991, Bolivia is a signatory of ILO Convention 169, an international legal instrument dealing specifically with the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples. 

The Quechua, Aymara and other Indigenous groups

According to the 2012 National Census, 41% of the Bolivian population over the age of 15 are of Indigenous origin, although the National Institute of Statistics’ (INE) 2017 projections indicate that this percentage is likely to have increased to 48%.

There are 38 recognised peoples in Bolivia, the majority in the Andes are Quechua-speaking peoples (49.5%) and Aymara (40.6%), who self-identify as 16 nations. In the lowlands, the Chiquitano (3.6%), Guaraní (2.5%) and Moxeño (1.4%) peoples are in the majority and, together with the remaining 2.4%, make up 20 recognised Indigenous Peoples.

Main challenges for Bolivia’s Indigenous Peoples

A major challenge for the Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia relates to the seismic work in search of new oil and gas reserves, as well as hydroelectric projects. They directly impact the people inhabiting the territory of the projects, often Indigenous Peoples and peasants.

Progress for Bolivia's Indigenous Peoples

To date, the Indigenous Peoples have consolidated 23 million ha. of collective property under the status of Community Lands of Origin (TCOs), representing 21% of the country’s total land mass.

Thanks to the Framework Law on Autonomies 031/10 of 22 July 2010, a number of Indigenous Peoples are now forming their own self-governments. Thirty-six Indigenous autonomies have commenced the process for accessing self-government, 21 by means of municipal conversion and 15 by territorial means or TIOC. Three of them have already established their self-government, and another five have achieved their autonomous status through a declaration of constitutionality. 

In 2017, the government of Bolivia decided to revive the conflict over the building of the Villa Tunari-San Ignacio de Moxos highway through the Isiboro Sucre National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS) by approving Law No. 969/17 on 13 August. However, the VIII Indigenous March, supported by all of the country’s Indigenous organisations, stopped this construction of the highway.

Indigenous Peoples' rights in Brazil

According to the 2010 census of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, there are 896,917 Indigenous persons in Brazil. The country voted in favour of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007), and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2016) and has signed ILO Convention 169.

The Constitution of 1988 recognizes the Indigenous peoples as the first and natural owners of the land and guarantees them their right to land. Exploration and extraction of mineral wealth on Indigenous lands must be carried out solely with authorization from the National Congress after listening to the communities involved, who must be guaranteed participation in the benefits of the mining activities. Eviction of Indigenous peoples from their lands is prohibited.

Indigenous peoples in Brazil

There are 896,917 Indigenous persons in Brazil, distributed among 305 ethnic groups. The principal indigenous ethnic group is the Tikúna, who comprise 6.8% of the total indigenous population.

There are around 274 languages. Among Indigenous persons over the age of five, only 37.4% speak an Indigenous language, while 76.9% speak Portuguese. It is estimated that there are 115 peoples living in isolation,1 of which 28 are confirmed and the rest are in the process of being identified.

502,783 individuals out of the Indigenous population in Brazil live in rural zones and 315,180 in urban zones. A total of 505 Indigenous Lands have been identified, covering 12.5% of Brazilian territory (106.7 million hectares). The majority of these territories are concentrated in the Amazon.

Brazil is the country in South America with the largest known concentration of Indigenous Peoples in isolation in the states of Amap., Acre, Amazonas, Amapá, Acre, Amazonas, Goiás, Maranhao, Mato Grosso, Pará, Rondônia, Roraima, and Tocantins. Currently, there are 107 records of the presence of Indigenous Peoples in isolation in the Amazon region.

Election of Jair Bolsonaro as President

Following the Presidential elections in Brazil in October 2018 Jair Bolsonaro, former captain of the Brazilian army and candidate of the evangelist party, assumed the Presidency on January 1, 2019. Claiming to represent rural Brazilians and promoting the priorities of his evangelist party the government of Jair Bolsonaro’s policies and agenda directly threaten the constitutional rights and freedoms of Brazil’s Indigenous Peoples. The Frente Parlamentar da Agropecuária, Brazil’s largest parliamentary group, represents the vested interests of companies and major landowners in the country. The group represents businesses that move over 118 million US $ in agricultural and livestock products and who support Jair Bolsonaro’s agenda to open up lands and resources, previously safeguarded to exploitation.

President Jair Bolsonaro’s agenda directly threatens Indigenous Peoples, particularly its recent unconstitutional revocation of the legal processes of demarcation related to Indigenous lands. These processes helped recognize and protect Indigenous land holdings. This revocation means that at any time, official reports, declaratory ordinances and Indigenous land permissions which have been issued can be reviewed and revoked. Further, supporting the interests of the Frente Parlamentar da agropecuaria, the economic exploitation of the traditional lands of the Indigenous and quilombola peoples, is given free rein. Bolsonaro’s support and actions are being used to justify brutal attacks against these peoples further accusing them of being the great obstacles for the development of the country.

In addition to questioning the acquired and recognized rights related to these processes of demarcation, the Fundação nacional do índio (FUNAI – National Foundation for Indians), the federal body directly linked to the demarcation of Indigenous lands is being functionally deactivated. The budget approved in 2018 is insufficient to ensure the minimum conditions that give continuity to its tasks. Further, to curtail efforts to protect Indigenous lands, on the first day of his mandate, (January 1, 2019) the government of Jair Bolsonaro approved a decree that assigns the responsibility of certifying the protection of Indigenous territories to the Ministry of Agriculture, which is well known to defend the interests of business’ that want access to previously restricted and protected Indigenous lands.

Indigenous Peoples in Chile

There are 10 different Indigenous groups in Chile. The largest one is the Mapuche, followed by the Aymara, the Diaguita, the Lickanantay, and the Quechua peoples. Chile is the only country in Latin America, that does not recognise the Indigenous Peoples in its constitution. For that, Indigenous groups face challenges, especially in terms of territorial rights.

However, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was adopted by the Government of Chile on 13 September 2007 and ILO convention 169 was ratified in 2008. Despite Chile’s constitution not recognizing the Indigenous Peoples, the Ministry of Social Development has convened an Indigenous constitutional drafting process to gain the perspective of the Indigenous Peoples on the content of a new constitution.

Law No. 19,253 of 1993 on Indigenous promotion, protection, and development remains in effect, even though it does not meet international law standards concerning the rights of Indigenous Peoples to land, territory, natural resources, participation, and political autonomy.  

Indigenous Peoples in Chile 

There are 10 different Indigenous groups in Chile. Despite being in constant increase since the 1990s, the Indigenous population of Chile has not varied greatly since the 2017 census, resulting in 2,185,792 people self-identifying as Indigenous, or the equivalent of 12.8% of the country’s total population of 17,076,076. The Mapuche are the most numerous (almost 1,800,000 individuals), followed by the Aymara (156,000) and the Diaguita (88,000). 

There has been a notable and sustained increase in the proportion of Indigenous population living in urban areas, with 87.8% of Indigenous members now living in cities compared to 12.2% living in the countryside. 

Main challenges for Chile’s Indigenous Peoples

According to the Ministry of Social Development, 30.8% of the Indigenous population live in poverty, while for the non-indigenous population that figure is 19.9%. The region of Araucanía, which concentrates the largest Indigenous population, continues to be the country’s poorest region.

A continuous struggle for the Mapuche peoples is their rights to the lands and territories, which legally and/or ancestrally belong to them. In the Region of the Araucanía and Los Ríos, the rights of the Mapuche people have been gravely threatened by the expansion of extractive, production, and infrastructure projects. The great majority of these initiatives belong to private corporations.

Although a new legislative bill raises questions on the part of Indigenous Peoples and has created the Biodiversity and Protected Areas Service (SBAP) and the National Protected Areas System (SNAP), it fails to recognize the contribution of Indigenous Peoples to biodiversity, does not protect indigenous rights against public and private conservation initiatives, nor recognizes or protect indigenous and community conservation initiatives.

Another challenge is the criminalization of Mapuche social protest by the state. During 2017, the State broadly used the Antiterrorist Act to persecute members of the Mapuche people. During the course of the year, that law was invoked against 23 Mapuche persons charged with terrorist homicidal arson, terrorist arson, and/or terrorist conspiracy.

Legislative progress for Chile’s Indigenous Peoples

In August 2017, the Ministry of Social Development started to a process of consultation of Indigenous Peoples' perspectives in regard to the content of Indigenous matters for a new constitution. This process, namely the "Indigenous Constitutional Assembly Process" gathered proposals as involving the Indigenous Peoples' legal recognition as nations, the status of Chile as plurinational State, the right to the self-determination and autonomy, the right to the territory and natural resources, the right to special indigenous representation, and linguistic and social rights. However, the process has failed to take the content that the indigenous peoples had identified as priorities into account.

Following the social protests that broke out in the country from October 2019 onward demanding in-depth institutional change, and with approval given for the drafting of a new constitution in a referendum held in October 2020, there is now a new opportunity opening up for the recognition of Indigenous Peoples and their collective rights within the new Political Constitution.

Indigenous Peoples in Costa Rica

Costa Rica has 24 Indigenous territories inhabited by eight different peoples. Although Costa Rica has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169, rights to land and self-determination is still a struggle for the country’s Indigenous population. 

Although the 1977 Indigenous Law recognises the traditional Indigenous organisations, the concept of Integral Development Associations (ADIs) has been imposed on them and is completely alien to the indigenous peoples’ traditional power structures. The ADIs depend on the supervision, approval and willingness of the National Department for Community Development, a state body that does not have the capacity to understand cultural diversity, indigenous rights, differences between peoples and territories or an intercultural approach.

Indigenous Peoples in Costa Rica

Eight Indigenous Peoples live in Costa Rica: the Huetar, Maleku, Bribri, Cabécar, Brunka, Ngäbe, Bröran and Chorotega, constituting 2.4% of the total population. According to the 2010 National Census, a little over 100,000 people self-identify as Indigenous.

Twenty-four (24) Indigenous territories cover some 6.7% of the national territory (3,344 km2) although this is only the formal area stated in the decrees establishing the territories as a large proportion has been invaded by non-indigenous settlers.

In a country where nearly 20% of the general population lives below the poverty line, this percentage attains alarming heights in the case of the country’s Indigenous Peoples: Cabé- car 94.3%; Ngäbe 87.0%; Bröran 85.0%; Bribri 70.8%; Brunka 60.7%; Maleku 44.3%; Chorotega 35.5% and Huetar 34.2%.

Main challenges for Costa Rica’s Indigenous Peoples

Indigenous territorial rights are constantly violated in the country and more than half the area of some territories are occupied by non-indigenous settlers. In Costa Rica, the Indigenous lands have been titled without a prior process of regularisation, and the state hasn't taken any action to rectify the current situation.

The issue of Indigenous rights in Costa Rica and, in particular, the rights to land and self-determination, is facing fierce resistance from those who hold political and economic power. Although concrete progress was made in 2016 in terms of the government’s consultation of indigenous peoples and the precautionary measures granted by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) were fulfilled, the Indigenous rights agenda continues to suffer delays.

This relates particularly to Congress’s consideration of the Law on Indigenous Peoples’ Autonomous Development, which, two decades on, has still not been discussed. The lack of discussion of the law is mainly due to strong racist resistance and opposition from the private sector, which considers the right to self-determination and self-management of Indigenous territories to be a risk to extractive investments. Additionally, the national policy for a Society Free from Racism, Racial Discrimination and Xenophobia (2014-2025), which should have commenced in 2015, is still awaiting implementation.

Indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination continues to be denied by the state. The draft bill of a law on Indigenous Peoples’ autonomous development has still not been discussed in the Congress, despite being submitted more than two decades ago.

Potential progress for Costa Rica’s Indigenous Peoples

The process of an Indigenous consultation mechanism began in 2016 and has experienced significant progress during 2017. Workshops, regional assemblies and national meetings were held with the Indigenous territories to discuss the consultation procedure. At the end of 2017, together with a technical team from the Ministry of the Presidency, an Indigenous Drafting Commission reviewed the results of the process and produced a final draft for discussion in February 2018.

Since 2014, the University of Costa Ria has been carrying out an institutional plan to promote and ensure the admission of students from Indigenous communities from around the country. This plan also seeks that new Indigenous students remain in the university. In 2017, the university was involved in mentoring around 400 indigenous students in high school. Moreover, the institution saw 32 new indigenous students coming from all different territories in the country.

Indigenous Peoples in Colombia

According to the 2018 Census, the Colombian Indigenous population numbers some 1,905,617 individuals who, in turn, belong to 115 different native peoples. Approximately 58.3% of this population lives in 717 collectively-owned resguardos (reserves). The same census counted 4,671,160 people (9.34% of the national total) who self-identify as black, Afro-Colombian, Raizal or Palenquero. Around 7.3% of this population lives in 178 collectively-owned territories, organised around Community Councils.

Along with many campesinos and Afro-Colombian, many Indigenous Peoples in the country continue to struggle with forced displacement and landlessness as a result of the long-term armed conflict in Colombia.

The Government of Colombia adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007. The Political Constitution of 1991 recognised the fundamental rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169.

At the national level, Indigenous Peoples are represented by two main organizations: the "Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia" (ONIC) and "Autoridades Indígenas de Colombia" (AICO).

President Santos signed a decree in 2014 that created a special regime to put into operation the administration of Indigenous Peoples' own systems in their territories until Congress issues the Organic Law of Territorial Management that will define the relations and coordination between the Indigenous Territorial Entities and the Municipalities and Departments.

There are 65 Amerindian languages spoken in the country. Of this 65, 5 have no capacity for revitalization and another 19 are in serious danger of disappearing.

Main challenges for Colombia’s Indigenous Peoples

Data from the Victims Unit show that 192,638 Indigenous People and 794,703 Afro-Colombians were affected by the war experienced in recent years. The guerrilla made life impossible for several indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians, and massacres such as that of the Awá in Nariño and Afro-Colombians in Bojayá, mined collective territories, communities stripped of their territories and young people and children recruited are some examples of the FARC's violent acts carried out against ethnic peoples.

Almost a third of the national territory is categorised as indigenous reserves, and most of them have to face serious environmental conflicts and land grabbing due to extractive activities in the zone.

As a result of a resurgence in the internal armed conflict following the 2018 electoral success of President Iván Duque, who is opposed to the Peace Agreement, violence and the armed re- taking of many of the regions inhabited by these peoples intensi- fied during 2020. In this context, as stated by the Ombudsman’s Office, there is a conspicuous delay in implementing the Ethnic Chapter of the Peace Agreement and a clearly deteriorating humanitarian situation which, in 2020 alone, left 112 Indigenous people dead in different regions, not to mention the members of Afro-descendant communities, whose deaths are not fully differentiated in the records.

Indigenous Peoples in French Guiana

French Guiana is a French overseas territory located in South America. It shares a border to the west with Suriname, along the Maroni River, and to the east with Brazil along the Oyapock River. Although France has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, French Guiana’s 10,000 Indigenous inhabitants are facing a number of challenges, especially in relation to illegal gold mining affecting the natural habitats and the local populations who depend on those habitats.

France has not ratified ILO Convention 169, an international legal instrument dealing specifically with the rights of Indigenous and tribal peoples. France only recognises Areas of Collective Land Use Rights, concessions and transfers, which cover 8% of the area of French Guiana and give only a simple right to use of the land.

Indigenous Peoples in French Guiana

The French Constitution prohibits ethnic statistics. According to researchers’ estimates, its Indigenous Peoples make up some 4% of Guiana’s population, or more than 10,000 individuals. Six Indigenous communities survived colonisation: the Kali’na Tileuyu, Lokono and Pahikweneh who live on the coast near the urban centres and the Wayãpi, Teko and Wayana people who live in isolated territories in the headwaters of the Oyapock and Maroni rivers.

The Pahikweneh, the Lokono, and the Téleuyu peoples live along the coast between Saint Laurent du Maroni and Saint Georges de l’Oyapock. The Wayampi and the Teko peoples live in the Upper Oyapock, and the Wayana peoples, plus a few Teko and Apalaï, in the Upper Maroni. Their traditional practices of fishing, hunting, gathering, and slash-and-burn agriculture have become increasingly difficult due to numerous regulations and mining activities.

France has recognised regional languages since 1992, and there has been academic provision for mother-tongue teachers since 1998.

Main challenges of French Guiana’s Indigenous Peoples

One of the main struggles of Indigenous Peoples in French Guiana relates to the consequences of illegal gold mining, which affects natural habitats and the local populations that depend on those habitats. Especially, the Guiana Amazonian Park (PAG) has experienced an increase in illegal gold mining sites in recent years.

Wild game is increasingly rare, as forest and river environments are being polluted and destroyed, and the local populations experience significant health problems and related social consequences, such as insecurity, illegal trafficking, prostitution, and violence, among other issues.

Another struggle relates to the forced evangelisation of the Indigenous populations of South America, which has considerably grown in scale in French Guiana during recent years. The evangelisation practices promote different values rather than the respect for traditional, particularly shamanic, beliefs and they encourage changes in the traditional way of life of the Amerindians, as for example, to stop drinking the traditional drink cachiri and to no longer practise their artisanal and ceremonial activities.

During the social protests in French Guiana between March and April 2017, on 2 April, the Minister for Overseas France signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Indigenous and Bush- inenge peoples in which the government made 20 commitments. These included the return of 400,000 hectares of land to the Am- erindian peoples, and a referral to the Council of State to consider the constitutionality of ILO Convention 169. This Memorandum of Understanding is included in the French Guiana Agreements of 21 April 2017. No land has been returned to date, however.

Representatives of French Guiana’s Indigenous organisations, associations and networks continue to make their voices heard and denounce the recurrent problems affecting Indigenous men and women in the country.

Indigenous Peoples in Ecuador 

The Indigenous population in Ecuador accounts for approximately 1.1 million people. Ecuador voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 and has ratified ILO Convention 169. However, the Indigenous population does not have full guarantees of civil, political, cultural, and territorial rights, and are still facing a number of serious challenges, and there aren't any specific public policies in place to prevent and neutralise the risk of disappearance of Ecuador’s Indigenous Peoples.

Indigenous Peoples in Ecuador 

The current population of Ecuador is 17,475,570 inhabitants (National Institute of Statistics and Census INEC, August 2020), and there are 14 Indigenous nationalities totalling nearly 1,100,000 inhabitants, grouped into a number of local, regional and national organisations. 


24.1% of the Indigenous population live in the Amazon, divided into 10 nationalities. Of the Andean Kichwa population, 7.3% live in the Southern Mountains and 8.3% in the Coastal region and on the Galapagos Islands. 60.3% of the Andean Kichwa live in six provinces of the Central-Northern Sierra; and the remaining 8.3% live in the Coastal region and the Galapagos Islands.

The Shuar, who form a nationality of more than 100,000 people, have a strong presence in three provinces of the Amazonian Centre-South, where they account for between 8%and 79% of the total population. The rest are spread in small groups across the country.

There are different nationalities with very little populations that are in a highly vulnerable situation. In the Amazon, the A’i Cofán with 1,485 inhabitants, the Shiwiar with 1,198 inhabitants, the Siekopai with 689 inhabitants, the Siona with 611 inhabitants, and the Sapara with 559 inhabitants. On the coast, we can find the Épera with 546 inhabitants and the Manta with 311 inhabitants.

Main challenges for Ecuador’s Indigenous Peoples

The public policies ensuring automatic or full guarantees of Indigenous rights in Ecuador, particularly civil and political, cultural and territorial, generally have not improved.

A key problem for the Waorani peoples revolves around the state’s persistent promotion of the exploitation of oil on their territory known as the Waorani Reserve and the Yasuní National Park. There is also an aggressive presence of large-scale mining on the Shuar territory.

Four events directly affected the living conditions and economic and social rights of Ecuador’s Indigenous Peoples and nationalities in 2020: the aftermath of the great popular protest of October 2019; the unleashing of the COVID-19 pandemic; the rupture of the main oil pipeline and subsequent oil spill; and the political dispute surrounding the 2021 presidential and congressional elections.

Potential progress for Indigenous Peoples in Ecuador 

A presidential call for a referendum to be held in February 2018 aimed to ensure the support of the Indigenous movement and environmental groups by including questions on banning extractive activities, for example, metal mining in ecologically fragile areas, and on limiting oil exploitation in Block 43 of the Yasun National Park: 67.5 percent voted in favor of increasing Yasuní National Park’s Intangible Zone by at least 50,000 hectares and reducing the oil extraction area in the park from 1,030 to 300 hectares.

Indigenous Peoples in Guatemala

Guatemala is home to 24 ethnic groups. Although the Government of Guatemala has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the country’s Indigenous Peoples continue to face a number of challenges, especially in terms of political participation, health, employment, income, housing, and education.

Indigenous Peoples in Guatemala

Guatemala has a population of 14.9 million people, of which 6.5 million (43.75%) belong to the 22 Mayan (Achi’, Akatec, Awakatec, Chalchitec, Ch’ortí, Chuj, Itzá, Ixil, Jacaltec, Kaq- chikel, K’iche, Mam, Mopan, Poqomam, Poqomchí, Q’anjob’al, Q’eqchí, Sakapultec, Sipakapense, Tektitek, Tz’utujil and Us- pantek), one Garífuna, one Xinca and one Creole or Afro-descendant peoples.

The country still lacks a differentiated statistical base on Indigenous Peoples, especially on Indigenous women, but it is well-known that there are disparities between the Indigenous and the non-indigenous population in employment, income, health, and education.

Statistics clearly demonstrate persistent racism and discrimination against Indigenous Peoples. Despite representing more than half of the population and participating actively in the country’s economy, their political participation is not equitably reflected.

Main challenges for Guatemala’s Indigenous Peoples

One of the main struggles for Indigenous Peoples in Guatemala relates to political participation. The electoral system is defined by exclusion of Indigenous Peoples, and they primarily participate as voters, rather than as candidates with true possibilities of being elected.

With respect to health, employment, income, housing, and education, there is a great disparity between Indigenous Peoples and the rest of the population. Official data indicates that poverty affects 75% of Indigenous people and 36% of non-indigenous people; chronic malnutrition affects 58% of Indigenous people and 38% of non-indigenous people; and, in terms of political participation, Indigenous individuals represent no more than 15% of parliamentarians and high-ranking public officials.

Another challenge for Guatemala’s Indigenous Peoples relates to the absence of a water act. The use, management, and conservation of water are not officially regulated, and several private companies take advantage of this by not paying for their water usage, nor contributing to water conservation, and without assuming any responsibility for pollution caused by discharges of waste. The majority of groundwater recharge areas are located within Indigenous territories, and the affected Indigenous Peoples do not receive any support from the state or from water users to protect the aquifers. Several communities have demanded that the state commence a broad discussion to draft a water act, but they have yet to be met.

After provisionally protected the communities of the Q’eqchi people by opposing the construction of two internationally funded hydroelectric projects in their territory, the Constitutional Court eventually issued a final judgment that approves the continuation of the projects and forces the Government to formulate and approve a regulation to standardise the holding of community consultations. Indigenous and social organizations expressed their opposition. This ruling violates the rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO Convention 169 and the laws of the country itself because community consultations do not require any regulation and must be carried out according to the mechanisms of the Indigenous Peoples.

Potential progress for Guatemala’s Indigenous Peoples

In 2016, 34 years after committing the crimes, a group of army officers were sentenced to 120 and 240 years of imprisonment for raping15 Maya Q’eqchi women and force them into sexual slavery. The case sets a precedent worldwide since it is the first time a crime of sexual abuse during an armed conflict has gone under trial in the same country where it was committed. However, other cases of crimes committed by the military against the indigenous population during the armed internal conflict remain in impunity.

Indigenous Peoples in Mexico

Mexico is home to 68 Indigenous Peoples, each speaking their own native language and together accounting for 364 variants. There are 16,933,283 indigenous persons in Mexico, representing 15.1% of the total population. Mexico adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, signed ILO Convention 169 in 1990 and became a pluricultural nation by amending Article VI of the Constitution in 1992. Yet, the country’s Indigenous population are still facing a number of challenges.

Mexico’s Indigenous Peoples 

The National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI), the National Population Council (CONAPO), and the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC) registered 16,933,283 indigenous people in the country, representing 15.1% of all Mexicans (112,236,538). There is a sustained population growth due to higher rates of indigenous fertility, offset only in part by the higher general mortality rate.

Mexico is the country in the Americas with largest indigenous population and the greatest number of native languages spoken in its territory, that is 68 languages and 364 counted dialect variations.  The 2020 Census, produced by INEGI, indicated that 6.1% of the national population aged three years and over was registered as speaking an Indigenous language, being some 7.36 million people. This proportion was 6.6% in the 2010 Census.

In addition, the 2020 Census noted that 11.8 million people live in Indigenous households in Mexico, 5.7 million of them men and 6.1 million women. In terms of native languages, Nahuatl continues to be the most widely spoken, with 22.5% of Indigenous language speakers, or 1.65 million people, followed by Mayan with 774,000 speakers (10.6%).1 Two percent (2.0%) of the national population also reported being of African descent, of whom 7.4% confirmed speaking an Indigenous language.

Main challenges for Mexico’s Indigenous Peoples

One of the main challenges faced by Indigenous Peoples in Mexico relates to a lack of recognition. In 2001, as a result of an Indigenous Peoples’ mobilization demanding legislation based on the "Acuerdos de San Andrés" — result of the negotiations between the Government and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) in 1996 —, Articles 1, 2, 4, 18, and 115 of the Mexican Constitution were amended.

As of 2003, the EZLN and the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) commenced implementation of the Accords throughout its territories, creating autonomous Indigenous governments in Chiapas, Michoacán, and Oaxaca. Although the states of Chihuahua, Nayarit, Oaxaca, Quintana Roo, and San Luís Potosí have provisions regarding Indigenous Peoples in their state constitutions, Indigenous legal systems are not yet fully recognized.

Another challenge relates to Mexico’s Indigenous People’s health. Indigenous Peoples are considered to be the most vulnerable sector of the population in regard to this matter, with the highest maternal and infantile mortality rates, acute and chronic malnutrition rates higher than the national average, lower life expectancy, and severe limitations for access to health services.

In relation to human rights, the Front Line Defenders report reveals that Mexico ranks fourth among the world’s most dangerous countries for defenders of rights. During 2017 there were 31 murders, the majority of which were of activists involved in Indigenous and environmental causes. 

Case: Visit by the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples  

In November 2017, the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Ms. Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, made an official visit to Mexico. She met with federal and state authorities, as well as with representatives of Indigenous Peoples and organizations of civil society.

Some of the issues highlighted by her in her end-of-mission statement were the following. First, the fact that the Indigenous Peoples are not being adequately consulted in accordance with international standards on projects and other decisions that affect their rights, including the right to the life. An alarming 99% impunity rate in cases of human rights violations particularly affects Indigenous persons. Moreover, the violence faced by Indigenous groups who struggle for their rights, in particular in cases of implementation of extractive megaprojects.The Special Rapporteur emphasised the fact that the report’s objective is to make known the principal violations of the rights of Indigenous Persons and communities in Mexico.

Effects of Covid-19 

It is important to note that problems of under-reporting of the Indigenous population were exacerbated by the early suspension of census data collection due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Due to marginalisation, discrimination, violence, land dispossession and a lack of access to decent housing and public health services, among other factors, Mexico’s Indigenous population has become one of the most vulnerable sectors to the SARS-CoV-2 virus. Indigenous communities decided to respond by designing and implementing their own methods and protocols to combat the pandemic, such as disseminating information through their community communication systems and in their native languages, restricting movements in and out of their territories, and ensuring a strengthened sense of solidarity and communality. The virus has, nonetheless, reached most of their regions.

Indigenous Peoples in Nicaragua

There are seven Indigenous Peoples of Nicaragua. Nicaragua has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169 in 2010. Yet, its indigenous communities are facing a great number of challenges, especially in terms of construction through communal lands affecting their livelihoods, and in terms of the state failing to comply with its legal obligation to honour the title of the lands in favour of the Indigenous communities.

The Indigenous Peoples of Nicaragua

Three of Nicaragua’s seven Indigenous Peoples live in the Pacific, central and northern regions: the Chorotega (221,000), the Cacaopera or Matagalpa (97,500), the Ocanxiu or Sutiaba (49,000) and the Nahoa or Nahuatl (20,000).

In addition, the Caribbean (or Atlantic) coast is inhabited by the Miskitu (150,000), the Sumu or Mayangna (27,000) and the Rama (2,000).

Other peoples who also enjoy collective rights, according to the Political Constitution of Nicaragua (1987), are the Afro-descendants, also known as “ethnic communities” in national legislation. These include the Creole or Kriol (43,000) and the Garífuna (2,500).

The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) came to power in Nicaragua in 1979, subsequently having to confront the U.S.-funded “Contra” rebel groups. Peasant farmers from the Pacific and the Indigenous Peoples of the Caribbean Coast participated in the Contra. In 1987, following a friendly settlement of the conflict through the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), and in order to put an end to this Indigenous resistance, the FSLN created the Autonomous Regions of the Northern Caribbean Coast (RACCN) and Southern Caribbean Coast (RACCS), based on a Statute of Autonomy (Law No. 28).

Following the judgment of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IA Court) in the case of the Mayangna (Sumo) community of Awas Tingni v Nicaragua in 2001, Law No. 445 on the Communal Property Regime of the Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Communities of the Autonomous Regions of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua and of the Bocay, Coco, Indio and Maíz rivers was issued, recognising these communities’ right to self-government and creating a procedure for the titling of their territories. The state began the titling process in 2005 for the 23 Indigenous and Afro-descendant territories in the RACCN and RACCS, culminating in the issuing of property titles.

In 2007, Nicaragua voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and in 2010 ratified ILO Convention 169. The Alliance of Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples of Nicaragua (APIAN) was formed in 2015.

Main challenges for Nicaragua’s Indigenous Peoples

A major concern for the Indigenous Peoples of Nicaragua is that the government is pushing ahead the construction and promotion of the Grand Interoceanic Canal through communal lands, which is affecting the livelihoods of the Indigenous Peoples to a high degree.

During 2017, the IACHR has reiterated its concern for defenders of rights to land and to natural resources, and for Indigenous Persons and afro-descendants engaged in such defence work, who continue to face great risks of violence in Nicaragua.

Potential progress for Nicaragua’s Indigenous Peoples

In 2016, the IACHR granted precautionary measures in favour of 12 communities. However, the State of Nicaragua did not respect the precautionary measures, and community members are still unable to move freely and use their lands to engage in hunting, fishing, and fruit gathering activities because they are faced with armed settlers who are invading encroaching upon their lands.

Indigenous Peoples in Panama

There are seven Indigenous Peoples of Panama. Although Panama adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, its indigenous communities are facing a number of challenges, especially in relation to recognition of and rights to territories as well as forcible eviction.

Moreover, the Government of Panama announced in 2010 that it would ratify ILO Convention 169, an international legal instrument dealing specifically with the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples. However, no significant progress has been made in this regard.

The Indigenous Peoples of Panama

The seven Indigenous Peoples of Panama are the Ngäbe, the Buglé, the Guna, the Emberá, the Wounaan, the Bri bri, and the Naso Tjërdi. According to the 2010 census, they number 417,559 inhabitants or 12% of the total Panamanian population. The national census was scheduled to take place in 2020 but, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had to be postponed. 

There are six regions, or comarcas, which are recognised by independent laws and are based on the Indigenous Peoples’ constitutional rights. These are the Guna Yala (1938), Emberá-Wounaan (1983), Guna Madungandi (1996), Ngäbe-Buglé (1997), Guna Wargandí (2000) and Naso Tjër Di Comarca (2020). In total, these comarcas cover an area of 1.7 million hectares. After more than 40 years of struggle and demands for their ancestral lands, the Naso Tjër Di this year, in 2021, achieved a certain degree of autonomy and recognition of their political-administrative division by adding one more comarca. 

The Dule, Embera, Wounaan, Ngäbe, Bugle, Naso Tjër Di and Bri Bri Indigenous Peoples are all members of and participate in the umbrella organization the National Coordinating Body of Indigenous Peoples of Panama3 (COONAPIP). This year, in 2021, the 124 congresses and councils were further consolidated within the Vice-Ministry of Indigenous Affairs under the Ministry of the Interior. Everyone therefore had a place in the National Council for the Comprehensive Development of Indigenous Peoples.

Main challenges for Indigenous Peoples in Panama

2016 was markedly different from the previous year in Panama, as the Panameñista Party government curtailed implementation of indigenous rights in various ways. For example, Interior Minister Milton Henríquez stated in front of the leaders of all the country’s indigenous congresses and councils that the state would only recognise the traditional authorities of the five existing comarcas, thus side-lining the authorities of 30 indigenous territories from any future consultations and negotiations. The Minister was consequently declared persona non grata by all the indigenous authorities. Some decided not to participate as beneficiaries in the Indigenous Peoples' Comprehensive Development Plan.

Another challenge relates to Law 37 of August 2016. It establishes the mechanism for Indigenous Peoples’ prior, free and informed consent and, if applied appropriately, has the potential to prevent many future conflicts. Despite its draft bill having initially been presented by an indigenous Member of Parliament, and having been considered by the Legislative Committee for Indigenous Affairs, the law was not put out to consultation with the Indigenous Peoples.

On another note, the Barro Blanco hydroelectric project in the Ngäbe-Buglé territory continues to be implemented without consent, with funds from the German Development Bank, a subsidiary of the German public financial institution, KfW and the Dutch Development Bank, FMO. Indigenous communities were forcibly evicted from the project area in order to begin a test fill of its reservoir, which flooded sacred sites, farmland and houses. These apparent violations led the indigenous authorities, in cooperation with activists, to draw international attention to the matter.

Potential progress for Panama’s Indigenous Peoples

Potential progress for the Indigenous Peoples of Panama may be found in the alternative way of obtaining the titling of collective lands. Since 2008, Law 72, has set out the special procedure for awarding a collective title to the lands of Indigenous Peoples, not within comarcas. To date, only five territories have been titled under this law, and these were smaller in size than the actual area of traditional territory claimed.

It is estimated that once the process of collective land titling is completed, a total area of 2.5 million hectares will have been recognized to the Indigenous Peoples, covering 63% of the country’s forests. A number of protected areas have been superimposed on these territories, without gaining the consent of the indigenous peoples. The titling of 25 outstanding territories is an urgent need given that it has been shown to be an effective way of preserving Panama’s forests, which have been cleared at a rate of around 16,000 hectares a year over the last 10 years.

In 2017, the youth of the Gunayala Comarca held their first Guna General Congress, where they approved a set of resolutions, such as the creation of the Guna youth training school, use of traditional dress, a request to show a greater interest in meeting and conversing with indigenous youth, the creation of a youth commission to support the Secretariat of Territorial and Defence and participate in the activities that are carried out.

Indigenous Peoples in Paraguay

There are 19 Indigenous Peoples in Paraguay. Paraguay voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 and ratified ILO Convention 169. However, Indigenous Peoples are especially challenged by structural discrimination and lack of economic, social, and cultural rights and the state does not promote, interpret, or apply the declaration nor the convention sufficiently, and thus the fundamental rights of Paraguay’s Indigenous Peoples are constantly violated. This deficiency is seen in all three branches of government: executive, legislative, and judicial.

Indigenous Peoples of Paraguay

Five linguistic families and 19 Indigenous Peoples self-identify in Paraguay: Guaraní (Aché, Avá Guaraní, Mbya, Pai Tavytera, Guaraní Ñandeva, Guaraní Occidental), Maskoy (Toba Maskoy, Enlhet North, Enxet South, Sanapaná, Angaité, Guaná), Mataco Mataguayo (Nivaclé, Maká, Manjui), Zamuco (Ayoreo, Yvytoso, Tomáraho) and Guaicurú (Qom). According to 2017 statistics, the country’s Indigenous population numbers 122,461 individuals.

According to the National Indigenous Census on Population and Housing 2012, the largest portion of the indigenous population, that is 52.3%, inhabits in the Eastern region, while the Chaco region contains the greatest diversity of peoples.

Although Paraguay’s Indigenous Peoples form a part of the country’s great diversity and cultural wealth, they are also victims of systematic, structural discrimination by the state and by non-indigenous society. In this regard, they represent the country’s poorest, most excluded, most marginalized population, and all human rights of the Indigenous Peoples —civil, cultural, economic, social, and political— are violated and undermined on a constant basis. This situation principally plays out through the invasion, destruction, and expulsion from their traditional lands and ancestral territories, where they live their lives and where their worldview, survival, and cultural practices are deeply rooted.

Main challenges for Paraguay’s Indigenous Peoples

During 2016, the state intensified the structural discrimination faced by Paraguay’s Indigenous Peoples, as was expressly observed by the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial (CERD), non-treaty bodies, and treaty bodies of the UN, as well as other international monitoring bodies. This discrimination translates into violations of the rights of the Indigenous Peoples both by acts and omissions of the state. An example is the forced removal of communities from their ancestral territories.

Another challenge of Paraguay’s Indigenous Peoples relates to structural discrimination. Factors such as corruption, the concentration of land ownership and environmental degradation combined with institutional weaknesses hinder progress in alleviating poverty and create obstacles for the indigenous population’s dignified access to fundamental rights, such as water, education, and health, among others.

The rates of poverty and extreme poverty among Indigenous Peoples are 75% and 60% respectively, which far exceeds the national average. As for the situation of children under the age of five, the rate of extreme poverty is 63%, compared to the 26% national average, and the rate of chronic malnutrition is 41.7%, compared to a 17.5% national average. These figures demonstrate the profound gap of inequality separating the Indigenous Peoples from the rest of the population.

The violation of these rights and the situation of discrimination are indeed due to the asymmetry of economic power of agro-business in comparison with the Indigenous Peoples. Yet another fundamental factor is that the state is absent in applying the control that ought to be provided by the Ministry of Justice and Labor.

Potential progress for the Indigenous Peoples in Paraguay

In the context of an Inter-institutional Cooperation Agreement with the Supreme Court of Electoral Justice (TSJE), the Civil Registry and Department for Identification, the Coordinating Body of Indigenous Leaders of the Lower Chaco (Clibch), Diakonia and the NGO Tierraviva in the context of a European Union project being conducted to document and record members of 70 indigenous communities on the electoral register, resulting in documents being issued to more than 21,000 people in a department inhabited by a total of 27,000.

Indigenous Peoples in Peru

There are 4 million Indigenous Peoples in Peru, who are comprised of 55 groups speaking 47 languages. Peru voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 and has ratified ILO Convention 169. However, the country’s indigenous population are still struggling with extractive activities, such as oil spills and oil palm cultivation, on their territory.

Indigenous Peoples in Peru

According to the 2007 Census, Peru’s population includes more than 4 million Indigenous Persons, of whom 83.11% are Quechua, 10.92% Aymara, 1.67% Ashaninka, and 4.31% belong to other Amazonian Indigenous Peoples. The Database of Indigenous or Original Peoples notes the existence in the country of 55 Indigenous Peoples who speak 47 indigenous languages.

21% of Peru’s territory consists of mining concessions, which are superimposed upon 47.8% of the territory of peasant communities. Similarly, 75% of the Peruvian Amazon is covered by oil and gas concessions.

Peru’s Constitution stipulates that the official languages are Spanish and, in areas where they are predominant, Quechua, Aymara and other aboriginal languages. According to the Ministry of Culture, there are 47 indigenous and native languages in the country. Almost 3.4 million people speak Quechua and 0.5 million Aymara. Both languages are predominant in the Coastal Andes area.

Main challenges for Peru’s Indigenous Peoples

Extractive activities, such as oil spills and oil palm cultivation, and climate change, such as drought and forest fires, are the main threats to native communities and the huge variety of ecosystems and a great wealth of natural resources in Peru.

Currently, 21% of Peru’s territory consists of mining concessions, which are superimposed upon 47.8% of the territory of peasant communities. Similarly, 75% of the Peruvian Amazon is covered by oil and gas concessions.This overlapping of rights to communal territories, the enormous pressure being exerted by the extractive industries, the lack of territorial cohesion and absence of effective prior consultation are all exacerbating territorial and socio-environmental conflicts in Peru.

Watch how the road expansion into the Madre de Dios region in Peru and the following invasion of illegal loggers, miners and plantations is affecting Indigenous Peoples living in the area as the deforestation and pollution are destroying their traditional way of living. 

 

Case: Wampis sovereignty

Despite the fact that indigenous peoples have not been at the heart of public debate recently, some encouraging news came in 2016 the form of the consolidation of the Autonomous Territorial Government of the Wampis Nation (GTANW). The project first saw the light of day in November 2015 with a collective demonstration for autonomy from the Peruvian state on the part of the Wampis people. The Wampis nation achieved jurisdictional sovereignty over their territory of 1,300,000 hectares of land located in the Loreto and Amazonas regions, which they are protecting from outside interest in their natural resources.

The case formed a milestone in indigenous sovereignty as the constitution of this autonomous government forces the Peruvian state to recognise their independence within their own territorial boundaries. Now, the Kandozi and Chapra peoples have announced similar plans.

Watch are short movie about The Wampis Nation and the making of their congress here  

 

Indigenous Peoples in Suriname

There are 20,344 Indigenous People in Suriname. In 2007, Suriname voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous but the legislative system of the country, based on colonial legislation, does not recognize Indigenous or tribal peoples. The country is one of the few in South American that has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

Indigenous Peoples in Suriname

According to the last census from 2012, the Indigenous Peoples of Suriname account for approximately 20,344 people or 3.8% of the total population of 541,638.

The four most numerous Indigenous Peoples are the Kali’.a (Caribs), Lokono (Arawaks), Trio (Tirio, Tareno) and Wayana. There are also small settlements of other Amazonian Indigenous Peoples in the south of the country, including the Akurio, Apalai, Wai-Wai, Katuena/Tunayana, Mawayana, Pireuyana, Sikiiyana, Okomoyana, Alamayana, Maraso, Sirewu and Sak.ta. The Kali’.a and Lokono live mainly in the northern part of the country and are sometimes referred to as "lowland" Indigenous Peoples, whereas the Trio, Wayana and other Amazonian peoples live in the south and are referred to as "highland" peoples.

Main challenges for Suriname’s Indigenous Peoples

The fact that the legislative system of Suriname is based on colonial legislation and has no legislation governing Indigenous peoples’ land or other rights is a major struggle for the lives of Indigenous Peoples. It represents a threat to the survival and well-being of these communities, along with respect for their rights, particularly given the strong focus that is being placed on Suriname’s many natural resources, including oil, bauxite, gold, water, forests and biodiversity.

One of the main struggles among Indigenous Peoples, that is, land rights, has seen yet another step back during 2017. The parliament of Suriname approved an amendment to a core “Domain Land” law of 1982, that declared all land over which no title can be proven to be State Domain. The amendment sets to "protect" the traditional lands of Indigenous and tribal peoples by prohibiting the State from giving any concession right or land title in areas that are within a radius of five kilometres of Indigenous and tribal peoples’ villages, without the community’s consent. However, Pre-existing third-party rights are upheld, and the explanatory note to the amendment reiterates that all land remains domain land over which the State has exclusive decisive authority. Indigenous and tribal peoples’ organisations have expressed great concerns regarding the amendment that was approved without their involvement or comments.

Potential progress for Suriname’s Indigenous Peoples

VIDS, the "Vereniging van Inheemse Dorpshoofden in Suriname" (Association of Indigenous Village Leaders) has been awarded the inaugural EU Human Rights Award by the Delegation of the European Union for Guyana, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago, in recognition of its valuable contributions in working towards promoting and defending the rights of Indigenous peoples in Suriname. During 2016 and 207, the association implemented an EU-funded national awareness programme on Indigenous peoples’ rights in order to gain more understanding of and sympathy for Indigenous peoples’ rights among the general public.

Indigenous Peoples in Venezuela

The Constitution recognises Venezuela as a multiethnic and multicultural society, and its basic provisions (Art. 9) establish that Indigenous languages are also official in the country. Indigenous Peoples in Venezuela account for 2.8% of the national population that accounts for around 32 million people. Nonetheless, other organisations believe that the indigenous population numbers over 1,5 million people. 

There was a remarkable resurgence of peoples considered extinct and from other countries in the region in the 2011 Census. 

 Venezuela has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169. However, Indigenous Peoples in the country keep struggling with a lack of demarcation of indigenous habitat and lands, illegal mining activities, and environmental degradation.

In 1999, the Constitution of Venezuela recognised the multiethnic, pluricultural, and multilingual character of Venezuelan society. The country has also enacted a set of laws set to  develop the specific rights of Indigenous Peoples, such as the Law on Demarcation and Guarantee of the Habitat and Lands of Indigenous Peoples (2001), the Organic Law on Indigenous Peoples and Communities (2005), and the Indigenous Languages Act (2007), as well as several favorable provisions found in a number of Venezuelan legal norms.

Venezuela has also created institutions devoted to overseeing public policy formulation in indigenous affairs, such as the Ministry of Popular Power for Indigenous Peoples.

Main challenges for Venezuela’s Indigenous Peoples

The demarcation of indigenous territories continues to be the principal right pending of resolution for Venezuela’s Indigenous Peoples and communities. The Constitution’s interim provisions obligated the state to demarcate indigenous territories within not more than two years. However, according to several reports from Indigenous Peoples and communities themselves, the number of lands provided did not surpass 13% of the total.

During 2017, the Government of Venezuela implemented the Orinoco Mining Belt megaproject, which encountered serious confrontation from indigenous communities, as it overlaps with indigenous auto-demarcated territories. 

Illegal mining continues to be a major challenge for Venezuela’s Indigenous Peoples. In the recent years, areas such as the Yapacana National Park, the Orinoco, Atabapo, Guainía, Sipapo - Guayapo, Parú, Asita, Siapa and other rivers have suffered serious environmental destruction. Such activity has polluted the waters due to the presence of mercury and has altered the river ecosystems in general, taking the lives of numerous fish that are a source of food for indigenous communities.

Health problems within indigenous communities is another alarming issue. Among the Yanomami the infantile mortality rate is measured at 10 times higher than the national average and infantile mortality among the Pum. ethnicity ranges between 30% and 50% of live births. According to research, 2017 has seen a dramatic spread of HIV/AIDS in the Warao group: 10 out of every 100 indigenous Warao suffer from this condition. The Warao also a have a high incidence of tuberculosis.

Potential progress for Venezuela’s Indigenous Peoples 

In matters of land, Indigenous Peoples have experienced certain progress during 2017. They have seen the return to complete legal status of the Bari lands in the State of Zulia and the creation of the Caura National Park, which supposes the legal grant of environmental protection and entails a recognition for the lands of some indigenous communities.

The 15th National Population and Housing Census (2021) is currently being prepared, which includes Indigenous self-recognition, the use of languages, the criteria for communities in traditional contexts and the registration of centres of population of non-traditional Indigenous use.

Indigenous Peoples in Guyana

Indigenous Peoples – or Amerindians as they are identified both collectively and in legislation – number some 78,500 in the Co-operative Republic of Guyana, or approximately 10.5% of the total population of 746,955 (2012 census).They are the fourth largest ethnic group, East Indians being the largest, (40%), followed by African Guyanese (29%) and self-identified “Mixed” (20%). The Chinese, Portuguese and Whites constitute tiny minorities. Amerindians refer to these non-indigenous people as “coastlanders” since most of them are settled on the coast in Regions 3, 4 and 6. As a former British colony, Guyana is the only English-speaking country in South America.

The Amerindians are grouped into nine Indigenous Nations, based on language. The Warao, the Arawak and the Carib (Karinya) live on the coast (mainly in Regions 1 and 2). The Wapichan, the Arekuna, the Makushi, the Wai Wai, the Patamona and the Akawaio live in villages scattered throughout the interior (mainly Regions 7, 8 and 9). Amerindians constitute the majority of the population of the interior, in Region 1 (18,000) where they represent 65% of the residents, and in Region 9 (20,000) where they constitute 86%. The natural resources of these regions – rainforests and minerals, including bauxite, gold and diamonds – are legally under the control of national government agencies or are within titled Amerindian Village Lands. The poorly regulated exploitation of these resources by multinationals as well as by illegal miners and loggers is one of the challenges faced by the Indigenous Peoples. Their primary concern is therefore to achieve full recognition of indigenous land rights (Native Title) so that they can defend their ancestral territories (customary lands) from mining and timber companies.

Land tenure as a key issue:

The land tenure situation of Amerindian communities is their major perennial concern. The Independence Agreement from the United Kingdom (1965) included a land titling process. Recommendations regarding this process from the Amerindian Lands Commission (1967-1969) have never been fully taken up by successive governments. Requests made for collective district titles have been dismissed, resulting in the fragmentation of traditional territories into small areas under individual village titles. The process has also been a protracted one, and many communities are still without title.

The Constitution of Guyana in its Preamble recognises “the special place in our nation of the indigenous peoples” and recognises “their right as citizens to land and security and to their promulgation of policies for their communities”. There is a Ministry of Indigenous Peoples’ Affairs (MoIPA – formerly the Ministry of Amerindians’ Affairs MoAA); and Guyana endorsed the UNDRIP in 2007. Guyana is one of the few countries in South America that has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

The land titling process made little progress in 2018. By far the year’s most positive development for Amerindians was the government’s Hinterland  Employment  and Youth Services programme (HEYS). Most other news was of election promises from 2015 still unfulfilled, indeed not even started.

Amerindian communal land rights

The coalition of APNU (A Partnership for National Unity) and the AFC (Alliance for Change), which won the national elections in 2015, has reduced its efforts to resolve the perennial arguments over land rights. The Amerindian Land Titling project (ALT, USD 10.5 million),a Low Carbon Development Strategy (LCDS) project funded by Norway under a 2009 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and administered by the UN Development Programme (UNDP), was intended to complete the formal land titling promised to Amerindians under the 1965 Independence Agreement. Communal land titling had stalled under the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) government.Ninety-seven (97) Amerindian Villages had paper titles by 2009, or approximately two-thirds of the eligible communities with at least 250 inhabitants during the five years preceding the titling process. The government has provided inconsistent figures for land titling since 2009.

Contrary to the simple procedure specified in the State Lands Act of 1972 and subsidiary Regulations of 1974, the PPP complicated the hinterland titling process in 2010 by dividing it into two stages, without legislative backing, and requiring a hitherto unnecessary physical demarcation of boundaries,to be undertaken only by accredited surveyors. There being no accredited Amerindian land surveyors, the survey crews were Chinese and coastlanders, who often disagreed with the Amerindian communities over boundary locations. Completion of land titling thus became a fraught and uncertain process. Without any publicity, the incoming coalition government closed the ALT unit in mid 2015, so no Amerindian titles were issued or extended between 20162018.The UNDP recruited a new international adviser in September 2018 and a new phase may be agreed for hinterland land titling to restart in 2019.

 

Notes and references

  1. 2012 Census, Compendium 2 at http://bit.ly/2TphLwE
  2. See Constitution of Guyana, Preamble, Cap.1:01, p.26 at http://bit.ly/2TkiKxZ
  3. See Guyana REDD+ Investment Fund, “Amerindian Land Titling” at: http://bit.ly/2Tp3FLo
  4. The PPP has been the ruling party on several occasions, most recently between 1992 and 2015 (ed.)
  5. See Low Carbon Development Strategy (LCDS), version 3, Appendix V: Status of Amerindian lands, the Process for Amerindian Lands, May 2010, pages 118-119 at http://bit.ly/2ThsMjo
  6. See Kaieteurnewsonline at http://bit.ly/2SMvCwr and Stabroeknews at: http://bit.ly/2SIQNQ8

The Indigenous Peoples of Canada are collectively known as "Aboriginal Peoples". The Constitution Act of 1982 recognizes three groups of Aboriginal Peoples: Indians, Inuit and Métis. Aboriginal peoples in Canada are challenged by the slow implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, child welfare and violence against indigenous women and girls.

In 2010, the Canadian government announced its support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2007. This decision was a reversal of Canada's previous opposition to the Declaration, which he pursued together with Australia, the United States and New Zealand. All have reviewed their attitude towards the Declaration.

The Government of Canada has highlighted four important principles that govern its relations with Indigenous Peoples. These are the recognition of rights, respect, cooperation and partnership. Unfortunately, these principles seem to come with little more than political rhetoric. In addition, Canada has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

The Constitutional Act of Canada of 1982 recognizes and affirms Aboriginal and Existing Treaties of Aboriginal Peoples. In addition, the Supreme Court of Canada has called for the reconciliation of "pre-existing aboriginal sovereignty with the supposed sovereignty of the Crown."

Aboriginal peoples and First Nations

According to the 2016 Canadian Census, there were 1,673,785 Aboriginal Peoples in Canada, accounting for 4.9% of the total population. 977,230 people identified as a First Nations person. First Nations (defined as “Indians” in the Indian Act (R.S.C., 1985., 1985, c. I-5) and the Constitution Act (1982)) are diverse Nations and peoples representing more than 600 distinct First Nations and encompassing more than 60 languages.

The Métis constitute a distinct Aboriginal nation, number 587,545 in 2016, many of whom live in urban centres. The Inuit represent an Indigenous People who have occupied Inuit Nunangat in Canada’s north, and numbered 65,025 in 2016.

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Canada

Indigenous Peoples and their allies are challenged by the slowness of substantive action on the implementation of the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of the United Nations. Even with a support government at the federal level, implementation remains a challenge for the state. The causes of this include pressures from the corporate sector and disputes within the government about how the implementation could move forward.

Another struggle is related to child welfare. The Canadian Court of Human Rights (CHRT) ruled that the First Nations Children and Families Services Program (FNCFS), provided by the Government of Canada through the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs (INAC), has denied services of child welfare to many First Nations Children and families living in the reserves. Despite welcoming the decision and swearing to act, the Canadian government has not complied.

It is worth noting that Canada has presented itself before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH) at the Organization of American States (OAS) regarding both the issues of violence against indigenous women and girls and the current discrimination against them.

Possible progress for the Indigenous Peoples of Canada

After many years of national and international calls, Canada launched a national investigation into Indigenous women and girls killed and disappeared in 2016. The commission should recommend actions to eliminate the systemic causes of violence and increase the safety of Indigenous women and girls.

The recommendations will be made to the government through an interim report before November 1, 2017 and a final report by November 1, 2018. Indigenous communities and political organisations have welcomed the investigation, but have also expressed concerns for the slow start and raised with respect to transparency.

In February, the Prime Minister announced a working group of ministers to review and decolonize all federal laws, policies and operational practices, including to ensure consistency with the UN Declaration. This work should be carried out in consultation with Indigenous Peoples. While the working group met and presumably worked on this critical task, the commitment with representatives of Indigenous Peoples and other experts was unfortunately minimal.

In late 2016, the Prime Minister announced new bilateral mechanisms between the federal government and the three national representative bodies for Indigenous Peoples: the Assembly of First Nations, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami and the Métis nation. Such a formalized relationship between the federal government and Indigenous Peoples is certainly a step to improve relationships and work in a more collaborative manner.

Indigenous Peoples in the United States

Indigenous Peoples in the USA are mainly Native American peoples and Alaska Native peoples. In May 2016, 567 tribal entities were federally recognised, and most of these have recognised national homelands.

In 2010, the United States announced that it would support the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as moral guidance after voting against it in 2007. However, it has not ratified ILO Convention 169, an international legal instrument dealing specifically with the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples. Around 6.6 million people in the United States, or 2% of the total population, identify as Native American or Alaska Native, either alone or in combination with another ethnic identity. Around 2.5 million, or 0.8% of the population, identify as Native American or Alaska Native alone.

23% of the Native population lives in Native American areas or Alaska Native villages. The state with the largest Native population is California, while the place with the largest Native population is New York City. While socioeconomic indicators vary widely across different regions, the poverty rate for those who identify as Native American or Alaska Native alone is around 27%.

Recognized Native nations are sovereign but wards of the state. The federal government mandates tribal consultation, but has plenary power over indigenous nations. American Indians in the United States are generally American citizens.

Main challenges 

Policies consistent with diminishing tribal land rights, sovereignty, and input into land and resource issues have multiplied under the Trump administration. In North Dakota, two lawmakers introduced a state bill calling on the federal government to allow states to solve economic problems on reservations. Since its early days, the administration has mulled over proposals to privatize Native lands, which would remove federal guidelines and tribal sovereignty that are seen as obstacles to development.

The Environmental Protection Agency came to a settlement that would allow the Pebble mine to apply for a permit. The Pebble project targets copper deposits near Bristol Bay in Alaska. A confederation of local Alaska Native village corporations, the United Tribes of Bristol Bay, opposes the mine for fear that it will destroy the rich salmon fishery in the bay. Another decision by the Obama administration was reversed in December. President Trump reduced both the Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears; Ears National Monuments in Utah. Bears & Ears, established in December 2016, was reduced by 85%, from 1,351,849 acres to 201,876 acres. This will allow the state of Utah to open lands for resource extraction of uranium, oil, and gas deposits.

Potential progress

In 2016, the former President Obama declared the Bears Ears area in Utah a National Monument which holds sacred sites for the Ute, the Navajo, the Hopi, and the Zuni tribes. One of These two decisions has already been undone by the Trump administration, along with the fate of the Dakota Access Pipeline. In December 2016, members of the new President's campaign support groups, proposed privatizing Native lands that hold natural resources, thereby removing federal oversight and regulations.

In August 2016, the Inupiat village of Shishmaref held an election on whether to develop a new village site on the mainland in order to relocate from a barrier island that has been heavily eroded. Over 30 Alaskan villages face an imminent threat of coastal erosion and flooding caused by climate change. Shishmaref voted to relocate in 1973 and in 2002, but could not find either funds or suitable locations to make the move happen. While the move would now cost USD 200 million, the state is ready to grant USD 8 million.

In August 2017, Cherokee Freedmen regained citizenship rights in the Cherokee nation. The decision in Cherokee Nation v. Nash held that the descendants of former Cherokee slaves are entitled to full citizenship in the Cherokee nation. Also in Oklahoma, a federal judge ruled in favour of Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche landowners who own a parcel of trust land crossed by a gas pipeline. The landowners sued the pipeline company for trespass. The judge ordered the pipeline company to cease operation and remove the pipeline from the land.

Over 500,000 Indigenous Peoples live in the Arctic spanning three continents, eight countries and 30 million square kilometers.

Indigenous Peoples in Greenland

The Indigenous Peoples of Greenland, Kalaallit Nunaat, are Inuit and make up the majority of the Greenlandic population. Kalaallit Nunaat is a self-governing country within the Danish Realm, and although Denmark has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Greenland’s population continue to face serious challenges.

In 1996, at the request of Greenland, Denmark ratified ILO Convention 169. Greenland also joined the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child without reservations on 26 March 1992.

The Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC), an Indigenous Peoples’ organisation and ECOSOC-accredited NGO, represents Inuit from Greenland, Canada, Alaska and Chukotka (Russia), and is also a permanent participant in the Arctic Council. The Inuit Circumpolar Council has recently initiated the Pikialaorsuaq Commission, which serves as a consultation tool for Canadian and Greenlandic communities that are most closely connected to the North Water Polyna (Pikialaorsuaq in Greenlandic).

Indigenous Peoples in Greenland

The population is 88% Greenlandic Inuit with a total of 56,367 inhabitants (July 2020). The majority of Greenlandic Inuit refer to themselves as Kalaallit. Ethnographically, they consist of three major groups: the Kalaallit of West Greenland, who speak Kalaallisut; the Tunumi- it of Tunu (East Greenland), who speak Tunumiit oraasiat (East Greenlandic) and the Inughuit/Avanersuarmiut of the north. The majority of the people of Greenland speak the Inuit language, Kalaallisut, which is the official language, while the second language of the country is Danish.

Greenland’s diverse culture includes subsistence hunting, commercial fisheries, tourism, and emerging efforts to develop the oil and mining industries.

Fishing is the primary industry of the country and Greenland has legislative power over the fisheries sector. The fishing industry is the largest source of income and is hence very important to the national economy. Also, it is the source of many people's livelihoods right across the country.

The majority of the people of Greenland speak the Inuit language, Kalaallisut, which is the official language. The second language is Danish.

Main challenges

One of the struggles of Greenland’s peoples relates to uranium mining. The uranium question has split the population in two, and there have been more demonstrations than ever before. The part of the population that is pro-uranium extraction argues that it will create much-needed jobs in Greenland, as well as financial benefits. Those who are against argue that the environmental and health risks for animals and humans are too high and that the community near the uranium mine Kuannersuit will have to be relocated because of the danger of contamination. There is also a fear that the tailings from the uranium mining will contaminate the environment for thousands of years. A smaller group of the population is arguing that far more hearings are needed throughout Greenland in order to make a decision. The uranium project led by Greenland Minerals and Energy is still under development.

There are an increasing number of suicides occurring in Greenland. There were 47 recorded in 2016, which is ten more than in 2015. It is mainly young people that commit suicide and the victims have become younger over the last decade. Indigenous suicide is a global problem and one that more and more states are addressing. Greenland suffers, along with many other Indigenous communities, the effects of self-harm and suicide.

Potential progress 

A new concession has just been awarded for a zinc mining project in the Citronen Fjord. There will be significant Greenlandic involvement in the project, and there have been several hearings in the local community. However, very few locals showed up to these. This is mainly due to the hearings not being announced properly, the meetings being led by outsiders and the interpretation often being very poor.

The Government of Greenland and UNICEF Denmark entered into a partnership agreement in 2010 aimed at working to raise awareness of children's rights in Greenland, both among children and adults. Over a five-year period, it has implemented various projects to promote children's rights.

Indigenous Peoples in Russia

Of the more than 160 peoples inhabiting the territory of contemporary Russia, 40 are officially recognised as indigenous. While the Russian constitution and national legislation set out the rights of “indigenous minority peoples of the North”, there is no such concept as “Free, Prior and Informed Consent” enshrined in legislation and thus, Indigenous Peoples are not recognised by Russian legislation as such. Russia has a multitude of regional, local, and interregional indigenous organisations, but the national umbrella organisation, RAIPON, operates under tight state control.

Russia has not endorsed the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, nor has it ratified ILO Convention 169. The country has inherited its membership of the major UN Covenants and Conventions from the Soviet Union: the ICCPR, ICESCR, ICERD, ICEDAW and ICRC. It also has ratified the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM) of the Council of Europe.

Indigenous Peoples in Russia

Of the more than 160 peoples inhabiting the territory of contemporary Russia, 40 are officially recognised as “Indigenous Minority Peoples” of the “the North, Siberia and the Far East”. The latter together number around 260,000, less than 0.2% of the total Russian population, of which ethnic Russians account for roughly 80%. One more group, the Izhma Komi or Izvatas, is seeking recognition, which continues to be denied, and at least one other, the Kerek, is already extinct. Seven more Indigenous Minority Peoples live in European Russia.

Larger peoples, for example the Tuvans and Yakuts, are not officially considered Indigenous Peoples, and their self-identification varies. Since the Russian annexation of Crimea, several ethnic groups who self-identify as Indigenous have come under Russia’s control: the Crimean Tatars, the Krymchaks and the Karaim; however, Russia has not recognised this self-identification.

Two-thirds of Indigenous Peoples are rural and largely depend on traditional subsistence strategies such as fishing, hunting and reindeer herding, while Russia as a whole, is a highly urbanised country.

Main challenges for Russia’s Indigenous Peoples

Civil society in Russia is affected by continually shrinking civic space. Since 2012, NGOs that receive foreign funding can be officially classified “foreign agents”, leading many of them to close down in order to minimise exposure to legal risks. Many foreign NGOs have been banned as “undesirable organisations”. Russia’s export revenues are largely generated from the sale of fossil fuels and other minerals, often extracted from territories traditionally inhabited or used by Indigenous Peoples. Like many resource-rich countries, Russia is heavily affected by the “resource curse”, fuelling authoritarianism, corruption and bad governance and which, in many ways, impacts negatively on the state of Indigenous Peoples’ human rights and limits opportunities for their effective protection.

Another struggle for Indigenous Peoples in Russia relates to land and natural resource rights. In 2015, an important article in Russia's legislation in regard to this issue was revoked. The articles stipulated that in places of traditional residence and traditional activities of indigenous peoples, local authorities should decide on the “prior determination of locations for the placing of objects” on the basis of the results of meetings or referenda of the indigenous and local communities. This means that local authorities have now lost most of their legal leverage in terms of being able to protect indigenous lands from incursions by business enterprises and other resource users. In 2015 and 2016, this led to a number of cases of violations of Indigenous Peoples’ land tenure.

The law on Territories of Traditional Nature Use (TTNU) from 2001 is the only federal law affording some form of recognition of Indigenous Peoples’ land tenure. However, the federal government has never confirmed any of the several hundred Territories of Traditional Nature Use (TTNU) created by regional and local administrations, in cooperation with indigenous communities, despite repeated calls from UN treaty bodies, indigenous organisations and human rights experts to do so. Thus, the regionally- and locally-established TTNU has no guaranteed legal status and can be dismantled at any time.

In relation to this topic, one more regulatory change passed in 2017, making fishing applications for members of Indigenous Peoples much more difficult. The legal principles are that they have the right to fish without special permits, but especially in the Pacific region of Russia, where fishing is big business, special rules and regulations require indigenous peoples to go through a tedious application process first, accept the amount, time and place assigned by the authorities for fishing and accept a number of additional restricts.

 

Indigenous Peoples in Sápmi

Sápmi is the Sámi people’s own name for their traditional territory. The Sámi people are the Indigenous people of the northern part of the Scandinavian Peninsula and large parts of the Kola Peninsula and they live in Sweden, Norway, Finland and Russia. There is no reliable information on the population of the Sámi people; they are, however, estimated to number between 50,000-100,000.

A report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, Ms. Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, concluded that Sweden, Norway and Finland do not fulfil their stated objectives of guaranteeing the human rights of the Sami people.

Institutions of the Sami people

Politically, the Sámi people are represented by three Sámi parliaments, one in Sweden, one in Norway and one in Finland, while on the Russian side they are organized into NGOs. In 2000, the three Sami parliaments established a joint council of representatives called Sámi Parliamentary Council.

There are also other important Saami institutions, both regional and local, among others, Sami University College, which is a research and higher education institution for the needs of the Sami society, and where the language of work and teaching is mainly the language of Sami Sweden, Norway and Finland voted in favor of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in September 2007, while Russia abstained.

The Sami people

There is no reliable information on how many Sámi inhabitants there are. However, it is estimated that they add up to 50,000-100,000.

Around 20,000 live in Sweden, which is approximately 0.22% of Sweden’s total population of around nine million. The north-western part of Swedish territory is the traditional territory of the Sami people. Sami reindeer herders, small farmers, hunters, fishermen and gatherers traditionally use these lands.

Around 50-65,000 live in Norway, between 1.06% and 1.38% of the total Norwegian population of approximately 4.7 million. Around 8,000 live in Finland, which is approximately 0.16% of the total Finnish population of around five million. Around 2,000 live in Russia, which is a very small proportion of the total population of Russia.

Challenges of the Sami

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, Ms. Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, reviewed the human rights situation of the Sami in Norway, Sweden and Finland in 2016 on the basis of information received during her visit to the Sápmi region, including a conference organized by the Sámi Parliamentary Council in Bierke / Hemavan, Sweden, in August 2015. Its report is also based on independent investigations. The report emphasizes that the three states do not meet their stated objectives of guaranteeing the human rights of the Sami people.

In particular, the report highlights the negative impacts that extractive industry operations are having on Sami livelihoods and culture. For example, the Norwegian Mining Law and the Swedish Minerals Law raise serious questions about the ability of States to respect, protect and fulfil the human rights of the Sami in the context of the extractive industry. In her report, Ms. Tauli-Corpuz raises questions about whether States clearly express the expectation that all commercial enterprises must respect human rights in all their operations.

In March 2016, the Human Rights Committee reviewed the seventh periodic report of Sweden on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR). The Human Rights Committee welcomed the support of the State party for realizing the right of the Sami peoples to self-determination. The Committee remained concerned about four main issues: the slow progress in the negotiations for the adoption of the Sami Nordic Convention; the limited resources allocated to the Sami Parliament; the scope of the duty to consult with representatives of the Sami people in relation to extraction and development projects; and the difficulties faced by Sami claimants to demonstrate land ownership and the inability of Sami villages to obtain legal assistance under the law of legal aid.

The Nordic Sámi Convention

An important cross-border initiative of the Sami people has been the effort to develop a Nordic Sámi Convention with the aim of safeguarding and developing the autonomous bodies, livelihoods, culture, languages and way of life of the Sami population with the lowest possible interference of the imposition of national borders.

The negotiations on the Nordic Sámi Convention ended in January 2017. The Convention includes a total of 46 articles, all of which include Nordic joint approaches to safeguard and strengthen Sami rights. The convention includes provisions related to self-determination, non-discrimination, Sami governance (including Sami parliaments and their relationship to the state), rights to land, water and livelihoods, languages, education and culture.

The agreement has been criticized by legal experts and Sami organizations of the Sámi and is currently being considered by the three Sami parliaments and the governments of Finland, Norway and Sweden. The Sami parliaments of the three countries and the national parliaments will have to give their consent to the convention before it can enter into force.

Indigenous Peoples in Australia

The aboriginal population in Australia is estimated at 745,000 individuals or 3.3% of the total population of 24,220,200. Geographically, 62% of the Indigenous population live outside of Australia’s major cities, including 12% in areas classified as very remote. Australia recognizes Indigenous Peoples. Still, the high suicide rates among the Indigenous population in Australia are alarming.

The situation of the aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the first peoples of Australia has been recognized in several ways: through the native title and the historic Mabo decision, and in legislation such as the Law of Racial Discrimination (1975), the native Title Act (1993); and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission Act (1989 and 2005).

Other important events have been the Australian Declaration of Reconciliation and the Roadmap for Reconciliation (2006) and the National Apology to Stolen Generations (2008). At the national level, there is a ministry of Indigenous Affairs and since 2015 a Deputy Ministry of Indigenous Health and Care and States and Territories have legislation on indigenous rights.

Australia has not ratified ILO Convention No. 169, and although it voted against the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 2007, it ratified it in 2009.

At the time of the colonization of Australia in 1788, there could have been up to 1.5 million Indigenous Peoples in the country. 

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are vastly overrepresented in the Australian criminal justice system, with 2,481 prisoners per 100,000 In- digenous people—15 times greater than for the non-indigenous population. 

Main challenges for the Indigenous Peoples of Australia

The median age for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples is 23 compared to 38 for the non-indigenous population. The health situation is particularly alarming. The gap in mortality rates remains 1.7 times higher for Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders than for non-indigenous people. Mortality among children 0 to 4 years old is 1.9 times higher than for non-indigenous children. Aboriginal people and the Australian Torres Strait Islanders also have higher rates of chronic diseases and the death rate from diabetes is 12 times higher than the rate of non-indigenous Australians.

Suicide has become an important cause of premature mortality for Indigenous People and in 2014 it was the fifth cause of death among Indigenous Peoples. Indigenous children and youth are particularly vulnerable: Indigenous People between the ages of 15 and 24 are five times more likely to commit suicide than their non-indigenous peers and 30% of the country's youth suicides are aboriginal. Aboriginal children account for 80% of suicides in the nation of children 12 years old and younger.

The sovereignty without descent of indigenous Australia over its lands and waters is not recognized in the Constitution. The Uluru Declaration from the Heart this year, a call for the inclusion of an indigenous voice in the Constitution along with the discussions around the treaty, marked another step towards the recognition and agenda of indigenous rights.

There is a division at the policy level between the aspirations of the aborigines and what the government and the water management authorities are willing to accept. Calls for recognition of the rights of Indigenous Peoples to own and manage freshwater often face objections that "water is a shared public resource and should be available to all." Objections of this type, however, do not recognize that the extraction and sale of freshwater have already transformed water into a commodity. An opportunity to create a space for Indigenous water rights would be to allocate water licenses based on current areas of native title, which are currently predominantly limited to cultural activities.


Political participation of the Indigenous Population of Australia

Indigenous Peoples have advocated for a long time for better political representation and fairer consultation. As of June 2021, the 46th Parliament includes six parliamentarians who identify as Indigenous or as having Indigenous heritage—two members of the House of Representatives and four senators. 

Ken Wyatt became the first Indigenous deputy elected in 2010 and, since 2015, he has been the deputy minister of the Coalition for the care of Indigenous age and health. Linda Burney is the first Indigenous woman to occupy a seat in the federal House of Representatives and is the shadow of the Minister of Human Services of the Australian Labor Party. 

The Kingdom of Tahiti became a protectorate under the French colonial project in 1842. Mā'ohi Nui (French Polynesia) has been an Overseas Collectivity of the French Republic since 2004. It enjoys relative political autonomy within the French Republic through its own local institutions: the Government and Assembly of Mā'ohi Nui.[i] Mā'ohi Nui has many powers of its own that are no longer controlled by the French State, making these local institutions a key political issue for Polynesian political players.

Today, Mā'ohi Nui has a population of 283,000 (of which some 80% are Polynesians).[ii] The demographic profile for 2020 illustrates a slowdown in population growth – due to emigration and a falling birth rate, with an overall fertility rate of 1.7 children per woman – and an ageing population.[iii] Mā'ohi Nui is characterized by increasing social inequalities with, in particular, higher income inequalities than in mainland France, as noted by the French Polynesian Institute of Statistics (ISPF) and, in particular, its 2015 family budget survey, which showed that one-fifth of the Polynesian population was living below the poverty line.[iv] This situation can be explained in large part “by the very poor redistribution efforts of the Polynesian tax system”,[v] i.e. the absence of income tax. With consumer prices an average 31% higher than on mainland France,[vi] and after a decade of inflation, the end of 2022 and the start of 2023 were marked by a period of record inflation,[vii] leading to a new stage in the weakening of lower and middle-income households’ purchasing power, and thus of living conditions in general, with access to sufficient, quality food being a particular problem.

Mā'ohi Nui is also marked by a multitude of other social inequalities in comparison to mainland France. Gender-related inequalities are pronounced, with intra-family sexual violence statistically far more prevalent.[viii][ix] Mā'ohi Nui has long been characterized by its polarized political life, with the Tavini Huiraatira, an independence party led by Oscar Temaru, on the one hand, and the Tahoera'a Huiraatira, an autonomist party led by Gaston Flosse, on the other. Until 2016, the latter advocated staying within the French Republic but since then has focused on changing its autonomous status to that of an associated state.[x] In 2016, a succession crisis within Tahoera'a, following Flosse being declared ineligible to stand for public office (confirmed by the Court of Cassation in January 2022),[xi] led to the creation of a third political party, Tapura Huiraatira. This autonomist party was created in 2016 by Edouard Fritch, who was President of Mā'ohi Nui from September 2014 until April 2023.

 

[i] Every five years, the Territory's registered residents vote to elect their representatives to the Territorial Assembly. These representatives are grouped into lists that share the 57 seats in proportion to the results obtained at the polls. Once installed, the representatives vote for a President, who also holds a five-year term of office and has the ability to appoint a government divided into several ministries.

[ii]Institute of Statistics (ISPF), June 2021, Point Études et Bilans de la Polynésie française, No.1256 Bilan démographique. The last census noting “ethnic” categories dates from 1988: “Polynesians and similar” accounted for 80.58%, “Europeans and similar” 13.28% and “Asians and similar” 5.42%.

[iii] Ibid.

[iv] ISPF, 2017, Budget des familles: http://www.ispf.pf/bases/enquetes-menages/budget-des-familles-2015/publications

[v] Tahiti Infos, 2 September 2019, “Les inégalités de revenus bien plus fortes au Fenua qu’en métropole”.

[vi] ISPF, November 2023, Points études et bilans de la Polynésie française, No. 1391: 1391_Comparaison_spatiale_de_prix_PF_2022_aa73dbdc08.pdf (ispf.pf)

[vii] ISPF, November 2023, Points conjoncture de la Polynésie française, No.1398: 1398_PC_Te_Aveia_2023_T2_4dfc9eab3a.pdf (ispf.pf)

[viii] Jaspard M., Brown E., Pourette D., 2004. Les violences envers les femmes dans le cadre du couple en Polynésie française, Espace, populations, sociétés, 2, pp.325-341.
In 2004, 7% had experienced at least one sexual assault before the age of 15, and 7% had experienced domestic violence in the last twelve months.

[ix] Hervouet, Lucille, “Qui suis-je pour juger? La production sociale du silence autour des violences sexuelles intrafamiliales en Polynésie française”, Terrains & Travaux 2022, pp.67-87.

[x] Tahiti Infos, 10 March 2016, “Pay associé: Gaston Flosse présente son rêve statutaire”.

[xi] “En Polynésie, Gaston Flosse définitivement condamné pour détournement de fonds publics.” Le Monde, 12 January 2022.

The Māori are the Indigenous People of Aotearoa (New Zealand). Although New Zealand has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the rights of the Maori population remain unfulfilled. In addition, New Zealand has not ratified ILO Convention 169, an international legal instrument that specifically addresses the rights of Indigenous and tribal peoples.

The Māori  people

Māori, the Indigenous People of Aotearoa, represent 16.5% of the 4.7 million population. Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi) was signed between the British Crown and Māori in 1840. There is a Māori-language version (Te Tiriti), which most Māori signatories signed, and an English-language version.

Te Tiriti granted a right of governance to the British over their subjects, promised that Māori would retain tino rangatiratanga (self-determination or full authority) over their lands, resources and other treasures and conferred the rights of British citizens on Māori. Te Tiriti has limited legal status, however; accordingly, protection of Māori rights is largely dependent upon political will and ad hoc recognition of Te Tiriti.

Main challenges for Māori 

The gap between Māori and non- Māori is pervasive: Māori life expectancy is 7 to 7.4 years less than non-Māori; the median income for Māori is 71% that of Pākehā (New Zealand Europeans); 25.5% of Māori leave upper secondary school with no qualifications and over 50% of the prison population is Māori.

Possible progress for Māori 

In 2016, Matike Mai Aotearoa, an independent working group led by iwi on constitutional transformation, published its report on an inclusive constitution for Aotearoa. The report is based on hundreds of meetings, presentations and discussions with the Maori people, and includes consideration of the possible foundational values ​​of a new constitution, such as community, belonging and conciliation.

The working group identifies 2040 as an aspirational goal for some form of constitutional transformation for Aotearoa. Its recommendations include the need to continue discussions on constitutional transformation, as well as formal dialogue between Maori, the Crown and local authorities, and the establishment of an additional working group. It also recommends that by 2021, a dialogue be initiated with the Crown to organize a convention on the Constitutional Transformation Treaty. The government has not commented on the report.

The Māori and the Crown continued to seek the settlement of Maori claims regarding historic Treaty infractions throughout 2017. Three groups had their mandates recognized, 5 negotiating terms signed with the Crown, 6 signed an agreement in principle, 9 agreed to that their settlement writings were ready to be presented to their members for ratification, one signed a deed in agreement with the Crown, 1 signed a memorandum of understanding, 4 had enact legislation that implements their agreements and 3 enacted legislation that gave effect to your agreements.

In February 2017, in its historic decision in Wakatū v. Attorney General, the Supreme Court of New Zealand held that the Crown owes equitable duties to traditional Maori landlords to protect their property rights. The progress continues in the recognition of the rights of the indigenous peoples in Aotearoa, with the pioneering decision of Wakatū and the continued impulse in the settlement of the historical claims of the Treaty.

Indigenous Peoples in Kanaky

The Indigenous People of Kanaky (New Caledonia) are the Kanak people. New Caledonia is currently undergoing a decolonization process in France leading to debates on the right of the Kanak people to vote, to self-determination and to indigenity.

France adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on September 13, 2007. However, the indigenous peoples of New Caledonia have not yet benefited from the full implementation of the Declaration.

New Caledonia is an archipelago in the South Pacific, in the process of decolonization from France. According to the 2014 census, 268,767 people live in New Caledonia, made up of 39% of Kanak, 27% of Europeans, mainly French, 8% of Wallisians and Futunians, and almost 15% of residents of other origins, such as Tahiti, Indonesia, Vanuatu and Vietnam.

Fighting for the right to vote, self-determination and indigeneity

There are ongoing debates about the right to vote of the Kanak peoples, self-determination and indigenism. The Kanak people have been demanding their right to independence and self-determination since 1975. Today, the independence parties, mainly the Kanaks and the anti-independence political parties, are at odds with the formation of the electoral bodies for future elections.

In relation to the 2016 electoral census, the pro-independence political groups denounced the fact that some 25,000 kanaks were not registered in a special list to be able to vote in the referendum on independence. As an indigenous people of the country, these Kanaks could not exercise their right to self-determination and independence.

Yet, in several referendums held since 2018, still about 91% of the Kanak people voted for the independence of New Caledonia (while the overall vote for independence turned out to be 43.6% in 2018, and 47% in 2019).1

In July of 2021, in a significant victory for the Kanak people, the New Caledonians elected the first Kanak and pro-indipendence president in nearly fourty years, Louis Mapau. He is a member of the party of Kanak Liberation PALIKA which within the parliament is a member of the UNI the National Union for Independence parliamentary group. It is presumed that he will push more active engagement in New Caledonias decoloization process. 2

 

References 

1 - Westerman, Ashley. "New Caledonia's New Government Seen As 'Significant Turning Point' In The Pacific", NPR, 11 March 2021. 

2 - "New Caledonia elects first pro-independence Kanak president", RNZ, 8 July 2021. 

Samoa was the first Pacific Island State to secure the right to self-determination and independence in Oceania during the 20th century (1962).[1] Samoa’s population is estimated at 198,414 people.[2] The demographics of Samoa are: Samoan 96%, Euronesians 2% (persons of European and Polynesian ancestry), and other 1.9%.[3] Through decades of direct action in non-violent protest via the Mau movement, combined with repeated delegations to the League of Nations and later the United Nations, and in the face of violent oppression, the Indigenous Peoples of Samoa secured a seat at the United Nations as a full member in 1976.[4] Samoa originally abstained in the vote to adopt the UNDRIP in 2007; however, they have since expressed their support.[5]

When Samoa achieved its independence, it created a modern nation state upholding the rule of law. However, Samoa retained the fa’a Samoa (traditional culture) in political structures and in its Constitution. Matai (traditional chiefs) are able to stand for election to the Fono (unicameral parliament). The Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP) has been in power since 1982 and has supported specific steps towards universal values of equality. Universal suffrage was introduced in 1990, granting women the right to vote for the first time. In 2013, the Constitution was amended guaranteeing women five seats in the Fono. The Komesina o Sulufaiga(Ombudsman) Act 2013 expanded the mandate of the Komesina o Sulufaiga Act from 1989 onwards to include the National Human Rights Institution of Samoa (NHRI). The independent institution was given three main functions: good governance, human rights and a special investigation unit.

Indigenous Peoples in Israel

Israel’s Arab Bedouin citizens are Indigenous to the Negev (Naqab, in Arabic) desert, where they have lived for centuries as a semi-nomadic people, long before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Members of the Bedouin community are an integral part of the Arab Palestinian minority, as well as citizens of the State of Israel.

Their Indigenous status is not officially recognised by the State of Israel and the Bedouins are politically, socially, economically and culturally marginalised from the rest of the Israeli population, especially challenged in terms of forced displacement. Their representatives regularly attend and address UN bodies on Indigenous Peoples’ issues, but their Indigenous status is not officially recognised by the State of Israel.

Israel did not participate in the vote on the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and has failed to meet the declaration’s provisions. The country hasn't ratified ILO Convention 169 either, and it is violating many of its provisions.

The Bedouins of Israel

Israel’s Arab Bedouins are Indigenous to the Negev-Naqab desert. Centuries ago, they were semi-nomadic. Bedouins combined herding with agriculture in villages linked by kinship systems, which largely determined land ownership.

Prior to 1948, about 65-100,000 Bedouins lived in the Negev. After 1948 most were expelled or fled to Gaza, Egypt, the West Bank and Jordan, with only approximately 11,000 remaining in the area. In the early 1950s, the Israeli government concentrated this population within a restricted geographical area that was about ten percent of the Bedouins’ former territory.

Today, some 258,500 Bedouin citizens of Israel live in the Naqab, in three types of location: government-planned townships, recognised villages, and villages that Israel refuses to recognise (unrecognised villages). There are 35 unrecognised Bedouin villages in the Naqab that Israel refers to either as the “dispersion” or as “illegal villages”, calling their inhabitants “trespassers” on state land and “criminals”. These townships and villages hinder the traditional Bedouin way of life and provide few employment opportunities.

Main challenges for the Bedouins

A main struggle of the Bedouins in Negev relates to forced displacement as well as the few alternatives. The Bedouins comprise 34% or 240,500 people of the total population of 700,000 in the Negev-Naqab area, but only 18 settlements out of 144 are officially designated for them. Most of these settlements are overcrowded since hardly any construction permits are being issued and do not offer much in terms of infrastructure or employment opportunities. In 2017, there have been 130 violent incidents of demolition. Israel forces demolishing buildings in unrecognised villages, considered illegal, but they also demolished houses in recognised villages.

In 2017, all the petitions filed by unrecognized villages to the Supreme Court demanding government services and infrastructure have been rejected. Bedouin aged 15 or above who have studied for eight years or less may be as high as 50% or more.

The Atir-Umm al-Hiran case

The Israeli Supreme Court (SCT) ruled in 2015 that the people of the Bedouin village Atir-Umm could be evicted on the grounds that the state had merely allowed the Bedouin citizens to use the land. According to the SCT, the residents of Atir-Umm had acquired no ownership status or property rights to the land over the course of their decades of residence and land use.

This not only definitely closes the case for the 1,000 residents of Atir-Umm. It is also seen as giving the state a broader legal scope for destroying other Bedouin communities. By concluding that the state is within its rights to destroy Atir-Umm and forcibly displace its Bedouin residents, the SCT decision constitutes a dangerous precedent. It potentially implies that the residents of most unrecognised villages can be evicted for a clear discriminatory purpose in violation of their constitutional rights to property, dignity and equality.

Following Israel’s declaration of independence in 1948, the Jahalin Bedouin, together with four other tribes from the Negev Desert (al-Kaabneh, al-Azazmeh, al-Ramadin and al-Rshaida), took refuge in the West Bank, then under Jordanian rule. These tribes are traditionally semi-nomadic agro-pastoralists living in the rural areas around Hebron, Bethlehem, Jerusalem, Jericho and the Jordan Valley.

These areas are today part of the so-called “Area C” of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), representing 61% of the West Bank. Under the 1995 Oslo Accords, Israel was granted temporary administrative and security control of Area C, which was due to be gradually returned to the Palestinian Authority by 1999. This never happened and, today, 27 years after the Oslo Accords were signed, Israel retains near exclusive control of Area C, including over law enforcement, planning and construction. It is home to all West Bank Israeli settlements, industrial estates, military bases, firing ranges, nature reserves and settler-only by-pass roads, all under Israeli military control. Over the years, Israel has dispossessed Palestinians of roughly 200,000 hectares of land, including farmland and pastureland, which it then generously allocated to settlements or declared as closed military zones and nature reserves. Some 700,000 Israeli settlers currently live throughout the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) in over 280 settlements, enjoying nearly all the rights and privileges accorded to Israeli citizens living in Israel proper, inside the Green Line. The short-lived Trump “Deal of the Century” recognized permanent Israeli possession of those settlements, in contravention of the landmark UN Security Council Resolution 2334 of 23 December 2016, which reaffirmed the illegality of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan, under international law.

The situation of the Indigenous Palestinian Bedouin refugees of 1948, some 27,000 pastoral herders living under full Israeli military control in Area C, is currently a major humanitarian issue. Greatly at risk are 8,000 Bedouin (60% of whom are children) living in 46 small communities in the Jerusalem Periphery and some 4,500 pastoral herders in the Jordan Valley. Donor-funded humanitarian structures (shelters, goat pens, water tanks, schools, solar panels, toilets) continue to be deliberately targeted for demolition and confiscation: for example, in 2021, the UN Education Cluster reported that 46 Palestinian schools in Area C were under demolition orders or stop work orders, a five-year high, yet in 2022 that number climbed to 56 schools threatened with demolition or demolished and, although Isfey al Fauqa was the only school demolished in 2022, following its original demolition on 23 November on 6 December Israeli authorities confiscated two tents and one latrine provided as humanitarian aid in response to the demolition of that school. Meanwhile, the war crime of forced displacement by Israeli authorities remains a constant threat.

Israel’s Arab Bedouin citizens are Indigenous to the Negev (Naqab, in Arabic) desert, where they have lived for centuries as a semi-nomadic people, long before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Members of the Bedouin community are an integral part of the Arab Palestinian minority, as well as citizens of the State of Israel. Combining herding with agriculture, they are settled in villages linked by kinship (tribes) systems, and this has largely determined land ownership.

During the early 1950s and until 1966, Israel concentrated the Bedouin in a restricted area, known by the name of “al-Siyāj”, under military administration, representing only around 10% of their original ancestral land. Today, some 300,000 Bedouin citizens of Israel live in the Naqab, in three types of location: government-planned townships, recognized villages, and unrecognized villages.[i]

There are 35 unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Naqab, which Israel refers to either as the “dispersion” or as “illegal villages”, calling their inhabitants “trespassers” on State land and “criminals”.[ii] Most of the Bedouin population lost their lands when Israel declared it as Mawat (“dead”, uncultivated agricultural lands) and reclaimed it as State land.[iii]

Since the beginning of the 1970s, Israel has been conducting an ongoing non-consensual and non-participatory urbanization process. The State documents that 72.9% of the Naqab’s Bedouin residents live below the poverty line.[iv] However, Bedouin residents from unrecognized villages are not included in these national poverty indicators.[v]

In addition to the seven townships, the State recognized 11 Bedouin villages from 1999 onwards.[vi] In June 2021, the coalition agreement included recognition of the unrecognized Bedouin villages of Khašim Zannih, Rakhamah, and ̕Abdih within the first 90 days of the government. However, the condition that at least 70% of the Bedouin residents give their consent to leave their lands before the recognition process is finalized poses significant challenges.[vii]

Two decades later, there is no significant difference between recognized and unrecognized villages. The remaining 28% of the Bedouin population (around 100,000 people) live in unrecognized villages[viii] that do not appear on any official map and most of which contain no health or educational facilities or basic infrastructure. Their residents have no formal local government bodies and are represented only in the Regional Council for the Unrecognized Villages (RCUV).

 

[i] “Online Database – Life Characteristics of the Bedouin Population in the Negev – Demographics.” Accessed 15 February 2024, https://in.bgu.ac.il/humsos/negevSus/SYBSN/Pages/demographics.aspx

[ii] For an interactive map of the Arab Bedouin villages in the Negev-Naqab, including background and information on services and infrastructure, see https://www.dukium.org/map/

[iii] Forman, G. and Kedar, A. “Colonialism, Colonialization, and Land Lae in Mandate Palestine: The Zor al-Zarqa and Barrat Qisarya Land Disputes in Historical Perspective.” Tel Aviv University, Theoretical Inquiries in Law 4 (2003): 491-539. https://law.haifa.ac.il/images/documents/ColonialismColonizationLand.pdf

[iv] State of Israel National Insurance Institute. “Dimensions of Poverty and Social Disparities - Annual Report, 2019.” p. 28. https://www.btl.gov.il/Publications/oni_report/Documents/oni2018.pdf

[v] Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF). “Indigenous Bedouin citizens neglected by the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics.” August 2021. https://www.dukium.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Indigenous-Bedouin-citizens-neglected-by-the-Israeli-CBS.pdf.

[vi] Udasin, S. “Gov’t must bring basic needs to Beduins.” The Jerusalem Post, 21 December 2011. https://www.jpost.com/Enviro-Tech/Govt-must-bring-basic-needs-to-Beduins; Golan, P. “Built on sand.” The Jerusalem Pose, 26 June 2012. https://www.jpost.com/jerusalem-report/israel/built-on-sand; Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel. “How have the residents of the 13 ‘Abu Basma’ villages benefitted from ten years of recognition?” 30 September 2013. https://www.adalah.org/en/content/view/8207

[vii] Boxerman, A. “Government legalizes 3 unrecognized Bedouin towns, fulfilling Ra’am’s pledge.” The Times of Israel, 3 November 2021. https://www.timesofisrael.com/government-legalizes-3-unrecognized-bedouin-towns-fulfilling-raams-pledge/

[viii] Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). Total population estimations in localities, their population and other information, 2018, https://www.cbs.gov.il/en/mediarelease/pages/2019/localities-in-israel-2018.aspx

Every year IWGIA reports on the situation of Indigenous Peoples worldwide. Our global report, The Indigenous World, documents the state of Indigenous Peoples' rights in countries on all continents with detailed country reports authored by distinguished experts, Indigenous activists and scholars. 

It is IWGIA's hope that Indigenous Peoples and their organisations will find our reports useful in their advocacy work, and that a wider audience will use our information on Indigenous Peoples worldwide. The Indigenous World has been published every year since 1986.

This section focuses on International Processes and Initiatives which have a special focus on Indigenous Peoples.

Read all the individual country reports here or download any of the annual editions of The Indigenous World here

 

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) was established in accordance with Article 30 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, with a mandate to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights on the continent. It was officially inaugurated on 2 November 1987 and is the premier human rights monitoring body of the African Union (AU). In 2001, the ACHPR established a Working Group on Indigenous Populations/Communities in Africa (WGIP), marking a milestone in the promotion and protection of the rights of Indigenous Peoples in Africa.

In 2003, the WGIP produced a comprehensive report on Indigenous Peoples in Africa which, among other things, sets out common characteristics that can be used to identify Indigenous communities in Africa. The report was adopted by the ACHPR in 2003 and was subsequently endorsed by the AU in 2005. The report therefore represents the official position of the ACHPR, as well as that of the AU, on the concept and rights of Indigenous Peoples in Africa. The 2003 report serves as the basis for constructive engagement between the ACHPR and various stakeholders based inside and outside the continent, including states, national human rights institutions, NGOs, Indigenous communities and their organizations.

The continued participation of Indigenous Peoples’ representatives in the sessions of the ACHPR as well as in the various activities of the WGIP, which include sensitization seminars, country visits, information activities and research, also plays a crucial role in ensuring and maintaining this vital engagement and dialogue.

In 2020, at the 66th Ordinary Session, the mandate of the WGIP was also renewed and expanded to include the rights of minorities, with the following amended title: “Working Group on Indigenous Populations/Communities and Minorities in Africa”.[1]

 

[1] African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. “455 Resolution on the Renewal of the Mandate, Appointment of the Chairperson, Reconstitution and Expansion of Mandate of the Working Group on Indigenous Populations/Communities, in Africa - ACHPR/Res. 455 (LXVI) 2020.” August 7, 2020. https://www.achpr.org/sessions/resolutions?id=486

The Arctic Council, established in 1996, is the leading intergovernmental forum promoting cooperation in the Arctic among the Arctic States, Arctic Indigenous Peoples and other Arctic inhabitants. The category of Permanent Participants (PP) is a unique feature of the Arctic Council. Six organizations that represent Arctic Indigenous Peoples are designated as Permanent Participants and these include: the Arctic Athabaskan Council, the Aleut International Association, the Gwich’in Council International, the Inuit Circumpolar Council, the Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON) and the Saami Council. The category of PP was declared in the Ottawa Declaration (1996) “On the Establishment of the Arctic Council” and was created to provide a means for active participation and full consultation of the Arctic Indigenous Peoples within the Arctic Council, and to ensure participation in all levels of the Arctic Council, including co-leading projects that affect Arctic inhabitants, and contributing to the Arctic Council's expert work and political proceedings.

To facilitate Permanent Participants’ work in Arctic cooperation, the Indigenous Peoples’ Secretariat was established in 1994 under the auspices of the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (AEPS), which was the forerunner to the Arctic Council. The Secretariat is an institution recognized in the Ottawa Declaration and its role has been to facilitate PPs’ active participation and full consultation in the Council.           

Indigenous Peoples’ Traditional Knowledge holds significant value in the Arctic Council. The Ottawa Declaration recognized “the traditional knowledge of the [I]ndigenous [P]eoples of the Arctic and their communities” and took note “of its importance and that of Arctic science and research to the collective understanding of the circumpolar Arctic.” The Permanent Participants jointly created the Ottawa Traditional Knowledge Principles (2015) to provide guidance in the use of the Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967 with the signing of the ASEAN Declaration (Bangkok Declaration) by its founding Member States. The Member States of the Association are Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. The ASEAN Secretariat is based in Jakarta, Indonesia.

The ASEAN Charter was adopted in November 2007 and came into force in December 2008. It is the legally binding agreement among the Member States that provides ASEAN with a legal status and institutional framework.

ASEAN’s fundamental principles, more commonly known as the “ASEAN Way”, are founded on non-interference, respect for sovereignty and decision-making by consensus. Although lauded by the ASEAN Member States, this principle has been considered a major challenge in moving things forward in ASEAN, particularly within the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children (ACWC).

Despite having around 100 million people identifying as Indigenous in Southeast Asia,[1] Indigenous Peoples and human rights are “sensitive” topics in ASEAN, especially within the AICHR. As such, issues involving Indigenous Peoples’ human rights defenders (IPHRDs) rarely make it to the discussion table.

[1] Two-thirds of the approximately 370 million Indigenous Peoples in the world live in Asia but no accurate data is available on their population in the ASEAN region as few Member States consider their Indigenous populations, which are not therefore taken into account in national censuses.

2021 marked a decade since the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (GPs)[1] were approved by the Human Rights Council. The GPs set out the obligations of states under international human rights law, including that applicable to Indigenous Peoples, and the responsibilities of business enterprises with regard to the same rights, in the context of economic activity. Ten years on from adopting the GPs, the UN Working Group on the Issue of Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises (WG) initiated a process of dialogue by gathering input from states, businesses, civil society and Indigenous Peoples with which to analyse the implications of the GPs for the protection of human rights in the context of business activity.

[1] United Nations, General Assembly, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples, José Francisco Calí Tzay”. A/75/185, 20 July 2020, para. 5. Available at https://undocs.org/en/A/75/185

The Convention on Biological Diversity is an international treaty under the United Nations (UN), adopted in 1992. The Convention has three objectives: to conserve biodiversity, to promote its sustainable use, and to ensure the equitable sharing of the benefits arising from its utilisation (Art. 1).[1]

The Convention has developed programmes of work on thematic issues such as marine, agricultural and forest biodiversity, and on cross-cutting issues such as traditional knowledge, access to genetic resources and protected areas. All the programmes of work have a direct impact on Indigenous Peoples’ rights and territories. The Convention recognises the importance of traditional knowledge (Art. 8j) and customary sustainable use of biological resources (Art. 10c) for the achievement of its objectives.

[1] United Nations. “Convention on Biological Diversity.” 1992.  https://www.cbd.int/convention/text/

With their wisdom, energy and empowerment, Indigenous women are agents of change both in their own lives, as Indigenous women, and in the lives of their peoples, as members of their communities. They plant the seeds with which to defend and demand full exercise of their individual and collective rights. Some have flourished, for example, in the recognition of their diverse identities and ancestral roots, in the daily vindication of their rights as women, and in the constant struggle for the defence of their territories. They remain united in the struggle and are continuing to strengthen collective leaderships, from the local to the global level.

The European Union (EU) is a political and economic union of 27 Member States. Its legislative and executive powers are divided between the EU main institutions: the European Parliament (co-legislative authority), the Council of the European Union (co-legislative and executive authority) and the European Commission (executive authority). In addition, the EU has its own diplomatic service, the European External Action Service (with EU Delegations throughout the world).

The EU maintains trade relations with the whole world and is the biggest donor of development aid. Aside from the influence within the territory of its Member States and its influence in international organisations, the EU also has a global impact as an international key player in the area of ​​human rights, development, and control of corporate and environmental issues.

The EU is part of the international process of promoting and protecting the rights of Indigenous Peoples. Four EU Member States have ratified ILO Convention No 169[1] and the EU supported the adoption of the UNDRIP in 2007 as well as the Outcome Document of the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples in 2014.

[1] Denmark (1996), The Netherlands (1998), Spain (2007) and Luxembourg (2018).

Indigenous Peoples have always been “data warriors”.[1] Their ancient traditions recorded and protected information and knowledge through art, carving, song, chants and other practices. Deliberate efforts to expunge these knowledge systems were part and parcel of colonisation, along with State-imposed practices of counting and classifying Indigenous populations. As a result, Indigenous Peoples often encounter severe data deficits when trying to access high-quality, culturally relevant data with which to pursue our goals. Meanwhile there is an abundance of data that reflects and serves government interests on Indigenous Peoples and their lands.

Indigenous Data Sovereignty is defined as the right of Indigenous Peoples to own, control, access and possess data that derive from them, and which pertain to Nation membership, knowledge systems, customs or territories.[3],[4],[5] Indigenous Data Sovereignty is supported by Indigenous Peoples’ inherent rights to self-determination and governance over Indigenous Peoples, territories and resources as affirmed in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), as well as in domestic treaties. Indigenous Data Sovereignty recognises that data is a strategic resource and provides a framework for the ethical use of data to advance collective Indigenous well-being and self-determination.[6],[7]

[1] Rodriguez-Lonebear, Desi. “Building a data revolution in Indian Country”. In Indigenous data sovereignty: Toward an agenda, edited by Tahu Kukutai & John Taylor, 253-72. Canberra: ANU Press, 2016.

[2] Kukutai, Tahu, and John Taylor (Eds). Indigenous data sovereignty: Toward an agenda. Canberra: ANU Press, 2016.

[3] First Nations Information Governance Centre. “Pathways to First Nations’ data and information sovereignty.” In Indigenous data sovereignty: Toward an agenda, edited by Tahu Kukutai & John Taylor, 139-55. Canberra: ANU Press, 2016.

[4] Kukutai and Taylor, 2016. Op Cit.

[5] Snipp, Matthew. “What does data sovereignty imply: what does it look like?” In Indigenous data sovereignty: Toward an agenda, edited by Tahu Kukutai & John Taylor, 39-55. Canberra: ANU Press, 2016.

[6] First Nations Information Governance Centre, 2016. Op Cit.

[7] Hudson, Maui, et al. “Tribal data sovereignty: Whakatōhea rights and interests”. In Indigenous data sovereignty: Toward an agenda, edited by Tahu Kukutai & John Taylor, 157-78. Canberra: ANU Press, 2016.

The Indigenous Peoples’ Forum at IFAD was established in 2011 as a permanent process of consultation and dialogue between representatives of Indigenous Peoples’ institutions and organizations, IFAD and governments. The global meeting of the Forum convenes every second February in conjunction with IFAD’s Governing Council, the Fund’s main decision-making body. A series of regional consultations lead up to each global meeting, ensuring that the Forum reflects the diversity of perspectives and recommendations gathered from Indigenous Peoples around the world.

The overall process is guided by a steering committee (SC) composed of representatives of Indigenous Peoples’ organizations from the different regions, representatives of Indigenous youth, the Indigenous Peoples Assistance Facility (IPAF) Board, the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) and IFAD. A unique process within the United Nations (UN) system, the Forum aims to improve IFAD’s accountability, enhancing its development effectiveness for Indigenous Peoples.

The Global Forum process, including its preparatory processes, enables participants to assess IFAD’s engagement with Indigenous Peoples, consult on rural development and poverty reduction, and promote the direct and effective participation of Indigenous Peoples’ organizations in IFAD’s operations at the country, regional and international levels. These activities help IFAD to implement its Policy on Engagement with Indigenous Peoples and translate the policy’s principles into action on the ground.[1]

[1] More information about the Indigenous Peoples’ Forum at IFAD: IFAD. “Indigenous Peoples’ Forum.”  https://www.ifad.org/en/Indigenous-peoples-forum

Over 1 billion people, or approximately 15% of the world’s population, are persons with disabilities.[1] Applying this percentage to the estimated 476 million Indigenous Peoples globally, the number of Indigenous persons with disabilities stands at approximately 71 million.[2] Similarly, if this percentage of 15% of the population with disabilities were applied to the estimated 185 million Indigenous women worldwide, it would come to 28 million Indigenous women with disabilities globally.[3] The Indigenous Persons with Disabilities Global Network (IPWDGN) estimates that 45 million of these Indigenous people with disabilities live in the Asia Pacific region, in developing and underdeveloped countries.[4]

Several studies have reflected the higher prevalence of disabilities among Indigenous Peoples because of a high level of poverty, increased exposure to environmental degradation, malnutrition, the impact of large projects such as dams or mining activities and the higher risk of being victims of violence.[5] Indigenous people with disabilities face exclusion, marginalization, and multiple layers of discrimination, and face barriers to the full enjoyment of their rights, based on their disability, ethnic origin and gender. And yet despite higher rates of disability in Indigenous communities, in most cases little or no attention is given to their situation, and they have no access to the services and support they need to participate fully in wider society and their own communities.[6]

The IPWDGN works to protect, promote and advance the rights of Indigenous persons with disabilities, including respect for their unique identity to live dignified lives in their communities. It is representative of the diverse geopolitical region from local to global levels from seven regions.

[1] United Nations. “E/C.19/2013/6. Economic and Social Council. 5 February 2013. Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Twelfth session. New York, 20-31 May 2013. Item 7 of the provisional agenda*. Human rights. Study on the situation of indigenous persons with disabilities, with a particular focus on challenges faced with regard to the full enjoyment of human rights and inclusion in development.” Para. 2. https://www.un.org/disabilities/documents/ecosoc/e.c.19.2013.6.pdf

[2] UN Women. “Fact Sheet:  Indigenous Women with Disabilities.” UN Women, 2020. https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2020/04/fact-sheet-on-indigenous-women-with-disabilities

[3] Ibid.

[4] Asia Pacific Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People with Disabilities, First Gathering of Indigenous People with Disabilities from Asia and Pacific Region 2015.

[5] United Nations. “E/C.19/2013/6. Economic and Social Council. 5 February 2013. Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Study on the situation of indigenous persons with disabilities, with a particular focus on challenges faced with regard to the full enjoyment of human rights and inclusion in development. Note by the Secretariat”. Para. 7. https://www.un.org/disabilities/documents/ecosoc/e.c.19.2013.6.pdf

[6] OHCHR. “Summary report: Expert meeting on Indigenous people with disabilities.” July 7-8, 2016. https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Disability/SRDisabilities/Pages/IPDisabilities.aspx

The Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP) is a subsidiary body of the Human Rights Council composed of seven independent members, one from each of the seven Indigenous sociocultural regions: Africa; Asia; the Arctic; Central and Eastern Europe, the Russian Federation, Central Asia and Transcaucasia; Central and South America and the Caribbean; North America; and the Pacific. Resolution 33/25, adopted by the Human Rights Council in 2016, amended EMRIP’s mandate to provide the Human Rights Council with expertise and advice on the rights of Indigenous Peoples as set out in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), and to assist Member States, upon request, in achieving the aims of the UNDRIP through the promotion, protection and fulfilment of the rights of Indigenous Peoples, including through country engagement.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is a climate finance mechanism established by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 2010 and operating since 2015. The GCF assists developing countries with climate adaptation and mitigation actions. It aims to catalyse a flow of climate finance to invest in low-emission and climate-resilient development pathways, supporting the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement goal of keeping average global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius.[1] In doing so, the GCF can accept contributions from the developed country parties to the UNFCCC, as well as from public, non-public and alternative sources including, among others, countries not party to UNFCCC, entities and foundations.[2] At COP 26 in November 2021, developed country parties made a new promise to make USD 100 billion a year in climate finance available by 2023. The deadline for their previous commitment to achieving this goal had passed in 2020. This renewed pledge constitutes an opportunity for the GCF as a key mechanism in channelling this funding.

The GCF’s policy and funding decisions are taken by 24 Board members. Observer organisations lobby and influence decisions through the Observer Network of CSOs, Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities led by two active observers, one from the developed and one from the developing countries. Indigenous representatives and support organisations are organised in the Indigenous Peoples Advocacy Team as well as taking an active part in the Observer Network. The southern active observer is currently an Indigenous representative.

[1] Green Climate Fund. Accessed 27 January 2022: https://www.greenclimate.fund/about

[2] Governing Instrument of the GCF: Accessed 28 January 2021: https://www.greenclimate.fund/sites/default/files/document/governing-instrument.pdf.

The Indigenous Navigator is an online portal providing access to a set of tools developed for and by Indigenous Peoples. By using the Indigenous Navigator, Indigenous organisations and communities, duty bearers, NGOs and journalists can access free tools and resources based on updated community-generated data. By documenting and reporting their own situations, Indigenous Peoples can enhance their access to justice and development and help document the situation of Indigenous people globally.

Through the Indigenous Navigator framework, data is collected that can be used by Indigenous Peoples to advocate for their rights and to systematically monitor the level of recognition and implementation of those rights. The Indigenous Navigator framework encompasses over 150 structure, process and impact indicators to monitor central aspects of Indigenous Peoples' civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), ILO Convention 169 (ILO C169) and other relevant human rights instruments. In addition, the framework enables monitoring of the outcome document of the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples (WCIP) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The Indigenous Navigator initiative, begun in 2014, has been developed and carried forward by a consortium consisting of the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP), the Forest Peoples Programme (FPP), the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), the Tebtebba Foundation – Indigenous Peoples' International Centre for Policy Research and Education, the Danish Institute for Human Rights (DIHR) and the International Labour Organization (ILO). This consortium works in partnership with the European Commission.

The Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS) is composed of two human rights bodies: the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR or the Commission) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR Court). Both bodies work to promote and protect human rights in the Americas. The IACHR is composed of seven independent members and two independent special rapporteurs, and is based in Washington, D.C., United States, while the Court is composed of seven judges and is based in San José, Costa Rica.

In 1990, the IACHR created the Rapporteurship on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples with the aim of providing support for the Indigenous Peoples of the hemisphere, as well as strengthening, promoting and systematising the work that the Commission itself carries out in this area. To this end, the IACHR uses a variety of instruments, including thematic studies and reports; petitions and cases, including friendly settlements; precautionary measures; thematic hearings; confidential requests for information from States; and press releases. The Rapporteurship also participates in conferences and seminars organised by States, academic institutions and civil society. The Inter-American Court, on the other hand, issues advisory opinions and judgements, among other tasks.

The UN Food Systems Summit (FSS) was intended to provide an historic opportunity to empower all people to leverage the power of food systems to drive the world’s recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic and get us back on track to achieve all 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. Over 18 months, the Summit brought together all UN Member States and stakeholders around the world – including thousands of youth, food producers, Indigenous Peoples, civil society, researchers, private sector, and the UN system – to bring about tangible, positive changes in the world’s food systems. The Summit was the culmination of this global process, offering a catalytic moment for public mobilization and action-oriented commitments by heads of state, government and other constituency leaders to take this agenda forward.

The human rights treaty bodies[1] are the committees of independent experts in charge of monitoring the implementation by state parties of the rights protected in international human rights treaties. There are nine core international human rights treaties that deal with civil and political rights; economic, social and cultural rights; racial discrimination; torture; discrimination against women; child rights; migrant workers’ rights; persons with disabilities; and enforced disappearances. The main functions of the treaty bodies are to examine periodic reports submitted by state parties, adopt concluding observations and consider individual complaints.[2] Concluding observations contain a review of both positive and negative aspects of a state’s implementation of the provisions of a treaty and recommendations for improvement.

Treaty bodies also adopt general comments or recommendations which are interpretations of the provisions of the treaties. A large number of these interpretative documents makes reference to Indigenous Peoples’ rights. So far, only the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) have adopted general comments specifically addressing Indigenous Peoples’ rights.

This article contains a non-exhaustive overview of the reference made by the treaty bodies in their concluding observations, general comments, decisions, views and opinions to Indigenous Peoples or to groups who are otherwise self-identifying as Indigenous Peoples with a special focus on the rights of Indigenous women/girls.[3]

[1] For more information on the treaty bodies: United Nations. OHCHR. “Monitoring the core international human rights treaties.” https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/Pages/Overview.aspx

[2] For more information on the activities of the treaty bodies: United Nations. OHCHR. “Monitoring the core international human rights treaties.” https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/Pages/WhatTBDo.aspx

[3] This article primarily focuses on the activities of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR), the Human Rights Committee (HRC), the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Some relevant concluding observations and views from the Committee against Torture (CAT), and the Committee on Enforced Disappearances (CED) as well as draft general comments of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) are also included. The activities of the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (SPT) and of the Committee on Migrant Workers (CMW) as well as the list of issues and follow-up on concluding observations are not included.

he Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (“World Heritage Convention”) was adopted by UNESCO’s General Conference in 1972. With 194 States Parties, it is today one of the most widely ratified multilateral treaties. Its main purpose is the identification and collective protection of cultural and natural heritage sites of “Outstanding Universal Value” (OUV). The Convention embodies the idea that some places are so special and important that their protection is not only the responsibility of the states in which they are located but also a duty of the international community as a whole.

The implementation of the Convention is governed by the World Heritage Committee (WHC), consisting of 21 States Parties. The WHC keeps a list of the sites it considers to be of OUV (“World Heritage List”) and monitors the conservation of these sites to ensure that they are adequately protected and safeguarded. Sites can only be listed following a formal nomination by the State Party in whose territory they are situated, and are classified as either “natural”, “cultural” or “mixed” World Heritage sites.

A large number of World Heritage sites overlap with Indigenous Peoples’ territories. Although most of these are classified as purely “natural sites”, without recognition of Indigenous cultural aspects, there are also some sites that are listed for their Indigenous cultural values or interlinkages between nature and Indigenous culture.

The WHC is supported by a secretariat (the UNESCO World Heritage Centre) and three advisory bodies (IUCN, ICOMOS and ICCROM) that provide technical evaluations of World Heritage nominations and help monitor the state of conservation of World Heritage sites. An Indigenous proposal to establish a “World Heritage Indigenous Peoples Council of Experts” as an additional advisory body was rejected by the WHC in 2001.

The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is an international treaty adopted at the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992 to tackle climate change. In 2015, the UNFCCC adopted the Paris Agreement, a universal agreement to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. The goal of the Paris Agreement is to hold “...the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursu[e] efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C...” (Art. 2a).[1]

The UNFCCC recognizes that achieving sustainable development requires the active participation of all sectors of society. Nine “constituencies” are therefore recognized as the main channels through which broad participation is facilitated in UN activities related to sustainable development. Indigenous Peoples constitute one of these major groups and thereby exercise an influential role in global climate negotiations. The Indigenous Peoples’ constituency is organized in the International Indigenous Peoples’ Forum on Climate Change (IIPFCC), which serves as a mechanism for developing common positions and statements among Indigenous Peoples, and for undertaking effective lobbying and advocacy work at UNFCCC meetings and sessions.

[1] UNFCCC. “The Paris Agreement.” Accessed 19 January 2022. https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/the-paris-agreement

The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (Permanent Forum) is an expert body of the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) with a mandate to provide advice on Indige­nous issues to ECOSOC and, through it, to the UN agencies, funds and programmes; to raise awareness on Indigenous Peoples’ issues; promote the integra­tion and coordination of activities relating to Indigenous Peoples’ issues within the UN system; and promote respect for and full application of the provisions of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and follow up on its effectiveness.

Established in 2000, the Permanent Forum is composed of 16 inde­pendent experts who serve a three-year term in a personal capacity. They may be re-elected or re-appointed for one addi­tional term. Eight of the members are nominated by governments and elected by the ECOSOC, based on the five regional groupings used by the UN, while eight are nominated directly by Indigenous Peoples’ or­ganizations and appointed by the ECOSOC President, one for each of the seven socio-cultural regions that broadly represent the world’s Indigenous Peoples, with one seat rotating between Asia, Africa, and Central and South America and the Caribbean. The Permanent Forum has a mandate to discuss Indigenous Peoples’ issues relating to the following thematic areas: culture, economic and social development, education, environ­ment, health and human rights.

The Permanent Forum meets each year for 10 working days. The annual sessions provide an opportunity for Indigenous Peoples from around the world to have direct dialogue with members of the Forum, Member States, the UN system, including human rights and other expert bodies, as well as academics and NGOs. The Permanent Forum prepares a report of the session containing recommendations and draft decisions, which is submit­ted to ECOSOC.

The Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples is one of the 58 “special procedures” of the United Nations Human Rights Council. The special procedures are independent human rights experts with mandates to report and advise on human rights from a thematic or country-specific perspective.

The Special Rapporteur has a mandate to promote the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and relevant international human rights instruments; to examine ways and means of overcoming existing obstacles to the full and effective protection of the rights of Indigenous Peoples; to promote best practices; to gather and exchange information from all relevant sources on violations of the human rights of Indigenous Peoples; and to formulate recommendations and proposals on measures and activities to prevent and remedy violations of those rights.[1]

[1] United Nations. OHCHR. “Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples.” https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/IPeoples/SRIndigenousPeoples/Pages/SRIPeoplesIndex.aspx

Indigenous Peoples have rights over their traditional knowledge,[1] traditional cultural expressions[2] and genetic resources,[3] including associated intellectual property rights, as recognized in Article 31 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.[4] However, conventional intellectual property laws, in large measure, are woefully inadequate in protecting these rights. In the absence of effective legal recognition and protection, Indigenous Peoples’ intangible cultural heritage, ranging in forms from textile designs to traditional songs, medicinal plant knowledge and environmental conservation, is often treated as being in the “public domain”, and misappropriation by those within the fashion, film and pharmaceutical industries, among others, is widespread and ongoing.

The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), a UN agency with 193 Member States, provides a forum for negotiating new international intellectual property laws. In 2000, WIPO Member States established the Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC). Since 2010, the IGC has conducted formal, text-based negotiations aimed at developing legal instruments for the protection of Indigenous Peoples’ and local communities’ traditional knowledge, traditional cultural expressions and genetic resources. Negotiations center around separate draft texts for each of the three subject matters.[5]

[1] The term “traditional knowledge” generally refers to technical know-how, skills and practices developed, utilized and passed down within a community’s traditional context. Examples include medicinal, agricultural and ecological knowledge, as well as methods for doing things such as weaving and constructing housing. WIPO. “Traditional Knowledge.” Accessed February 3, 2022. https://www.wipo.int/tk/en/tk/. Because the term “traditional knowledge” can be somewhat misleading, as it implies antiquity, many Indigenous activists in their international advocacy in multilateral processes prefer to refer simply to the “knowledge of Indigenous Peoples” or “Indigenous knowledge”. In the WIPO negotiations, Indigenous representatives emphasize that traditional knowledge is not confined to ancient knowledge but includes new and evolving Indigenous knowledge. 

[2] “Traditional cultural expressions” are the myriad forms in which traditional culture is expressed. Examples include music, dance, stories, art, ceremonies, designs and symbols. WIPO. “Traditional Cultural Expressions.” Accessed February 3, 2022. https://www.wipo.int/tk/en/folklore/

[3] “Genetic resources” are defined as genetic material having actual or potential value found in plants, animals or micro-organisms. Examples include medicinal plants, agricultural crops and animal breeds. Genetic resources found in nature are not creations of the mind and thus are not intellectual property. Intellectual property issues are, however, associated with genetic resources, for example in the case of inventions utilizing genetic resources or where traditional knowledge is associated with the use of genetic resources. WIPO. “Genetic Resources.” Accessed February 3, 2022. https://www.wipo.int/tk/en/genetic/

[5] Current versions of the draft texts are attached as annexes to the IGC’s 2019 report to the WIPO General Assembly: WIPO. “Report on the Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC). July 30, 2019. Accessed February 3, 2022. https://www.wipo.int/about-wipo/en/assemblies/2019/a_59/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=443934. A fourth draft text, the Draft International Legal Instrument Relating to Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources and Traditional Knowledge Associated with Genetic Resources, developed in 2019 by the IGC Chair, Mr Ian Goss, as an alternative genetic resources text, is available: WIPO. “Chair’s text on GRs and ATK.” June 7, 2019. Accessed February 4, 2022. https://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=438199.The Chair’s text has been approved by Member States as a working document to be included in future IGC sessions.

Indigenous youth are aware that the world and its regions are going through a time of change marked, on the one hand, by key actors committed to respecting human rights and, on the other, by current movements ranged against the implementation of those rights.

 

It is important to remember that despite historical efforts to achieve recognition of the individual and collective human rights of Indigenous Peoples, they continue to live in a situation of particular vulnerability. Indigenous Peoples have demonstrated their resilience, mainly due to their own community processes and their lands and territories. Indigenous youth from different regions of the world have made great efforts to incorporate their perspectives into dialogues and policy agendas as a priority.

Since the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by the UN General Assembly in September 2015, Indigenous Peoples have been engaging in national, regional and global processes related to the SDGs. The main objective is to promote the recognition, protection and realisation of Indigenous Peoples’ rights, well-being and dignity, and to enhance their contributions to sustainable development.

The long-term perspective is to include their perspective and initiatives and thereby advance their self-determined sustainable development.

The Indigenous World Editorial serves to document and report highlights on the developments of Indigenous Peoples globally every year. As part of the Indigenous World publication, the editorial provides an overview of the chapters within.

In some editions, the editorial, as well as the individual chapters, will have a thematic focus to provide a deeper analysis of a particular aspect concerning the situation of Indigenous Peoples. For example, in 2019, the thematic focus was on violence, criminalization, harassment and the lack of justice that Indigenous Peoples face; in 2020, it was on climate and the long-term effects climate change has on the lands, territories, and collective rights of Indigenous Peoples; in 2021, it was on Indigenous Peoples during the Covid-19 pandemic; and in 2022, it was on the contribution and situation of Indigenous women and girls and their rights.

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations that leads international efforts to defeat hunger and malnutrition. FAO was founded in 1945, and its primary goal is to achieve food security for all making sure that people have regular access to enough high-quality food to lead active and healthy lives. With over 194 Members, FAO has offices in over 130 countries worldwide.

FAO recognizes Indigenous Peoples as key allies, not only as technical assistance recipients but primarily as equal partners, and as fundamental stakeholders to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is a global subsidiary body of the UN and one of the most authoritative actors in assessing climate change.[1], [2] It comprises three working groups (WG): WGI examines the physical science of the past, present, and future climate change; WGII assesses the vulnerability of socio-ecological systems, climate change consequences and adaptation options; and WGIII focuses on climate change mitigation.[3]

Each WG assesses existing scientific, technical and quantitative socio-economic evidence following an outline defined at the beginning of the assessment cycle during a plenary with States. The outlines structure the chapters of each WG report, which include measures of confidence and probabilistic quantification of uncertainty. Each WG report is further complemented with a summary for policymakers (SPM) – a brief summary with key policy-relevant messages – and a technical summary (TS) – a more extended summary that includes technical information.

IPCC reports play a decisive role in how climate policy is defined, what issues are prioritized and what responses are made visible and promoted.[4] It is therefore crucial to understand what they say about Indigenous Peoples.

During 2021 and 2022, the three WGs released a set of reports constituting the sixth assessment cycle (AR6) of the IPCC. This chapter summarizes the content related to Indigenous Peoples in these reports, paying particular attention to Indigenous knowledge systems.[5] In the first section, we present the main messages that emerged from the IPCC findings set out in the reports. We then briefly analyse the scope and limitations of these references by taking a brief look at the structure and proceedings of the IPCC.

 

 

[1] Livingston, Jasmine. “Reports.” In A Critical Assessment of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, edited by Kari De Pryck and Mike Hulme, 39-48. Cambridge University Press, 2022, https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009082099.017

[2] Beck, Silke and Mahony, Martin. “The IPCC and the New Map of Science and Politics.” WIREs Climate Change 9, No. 6 (2018), https://doi.org/10.1002/wcc.547

[3] See https://www.ipcc.ch/

[4] Corbera, Esteve, Calvet-Mir, Laura, Hughes, Hannah, and Paterson, Mathew. “Patterns of Authorship in the IPCC Working Group III Report.” Nature Climate Change 6, No. 1 (2016): 94–99, https://doi.org/10.1038/nclimate2782

[5] This chapter builds in part on findings and recommendations from two briefing papers: https://iwgia.org/en/resources/publications/4621-iwgia-briefing-analysing-recognition-contrubutions-indigenous-peoples-ipcc-report.html and https://www.iwgia.org/en/resources/publications/4845-iwgia-briefing-analysing-a-new-paradigm-of-climate-partnership-with-indigenous-peoples-ipcc-report.html

Held in Kigali, Rwanda from 18 to 23 July 2022, the IUCN Africa Protected Areas Congress (APAC) was the “first ever continent-wide gathering of African leaders, citizens and interest groups to discuss the role of protected areas in conserving nature, safeguarding Africa’s iconic wildlife, delivering vital life-supporting ecosystem services, and promoting sustainable development while conserving Africa’s cultural heritage and traditions.”[i]

The Congress was convened jointly by the Government of Rwanda, the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and the African Wildlife Foundation, and attracted more than 2,400 participants from across the African continent and beyond, representing governments, African regional bodies, Indigenous Peoples, local communities, NGOs, national and international experts and organizations, youth, academia, the judiciary, development agencies and the private sector.[ii]

The overarching objective of the APAC was “to position Africa’s protected and conserved areas within the broader goals of economic development and community well-being and to increase the understanding of the vital role parks play in conserving biodiversity and delivering the ecosystem services that underpin human welfare and livelihoods.”[iii]

The Congress was organized around the following three Streams: 1. Protected Areas (“Promoting effective and well-managed networks of protected and conserved areas in Africa”); 2. People (“People and protected and conserved areas: towards mutual well-being”); and 3. Biodiversity (“Africa’s biodiversity as the basis for life on the continent”). Additionally, six cross-cutting themes were identified to help focus the discussions: Governance; Climate Change; Conflict; Science, Technology, and Indigenous Knowledge; Sustainable Financing; and Physical Infrastructure. The main outcome document of the Congress was the “Kigali Call to Action for People and Nature,” agreed upon in the APAC closing plenary session on 23 July 2022.

 

 

[1] Congress website, https://apacongress.africa/

[2] Kigali Call to Action for People and Nature, https://apacongress.africa/download/english-version-of-apac-kigali-call-to-action/

[3] Congress website.

Our publications

Knowledge generation is an important foundation for increasing understanding and for pushing for change. In this database, you can find all of our resources, which include books, manuals, briefings, human rights reports and urgent alerts. 

Latest updates

IWGIA is following the situation of indigenous peoples and their rights. Get the latest updates, alerts, stories and up-to-date facts here. Click here for more news.

We focus on defending indigenous peoples’ land rights, promoting inclusion in climate action and participation in local and international decision-making processes. Read more about our focus areas below.

We support indigenous peoples in accessing and benefiting from local and regional human rights mechanisms as well as the UN system and its global agendas.

A UN Permanent Forum is dedicated to indigenous peoples’ agendas; a UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was adopted in 2007, and a Special Rapporteur is watching the realisation of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Much has been achieved by indigenous peoples since they started advocating for their right to participate in international decision-making processes. Indigenous peoples have succeeded in adopting an international legal framework, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Institutional mechanisms and procedures mandated to promote and protect indigenous peoples’ rights have been established, such as the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the Special Rapporteur.

At the international level, indigenous peoples have crawled up the latter in the UN system: It started with the establishment of the Working Group on Indigenous Populations in 1984 at the lowest level of the UN system, and now indigenous peoples are on the verge of getting a special status at the highest level of the UN.

At the local and regional level, indigenous peoples have organised themselves and have also gained influence and spaces within the regional human rights mechanisms as the Inter-American Human Rights System and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Indigenous peoples are still being left behind

On the local level, the rights of indigenous peoples are still not fully realised. The situation of indigenous peoples remains alarming in many countries: From land rights to women’ rights, indigenous peoples are highly challenged on the ground.

Every year, reports written by IWGIA show that the human rights of indigenous peoples are being violated and that indigenous rights defenders are increasingly threatened and many continue to be arrested or even murdered.

The Sustainable Development Goals work for indigenous peoples

For indigenous peoples, the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development provides an opportunity to access all of their rights. The targets include six explicit references to indigenous peoples.

The 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development is grounded on the principles of human rights, human dignity, non-discrimination, equality and participation that are essential for indigenous peoples’ access to all of their rights. This includes the 2030 Agenda’s overarching aim of “leaving no one behind”.

The inclusion of indigenous peoples in the review process and realisation of the SDGs is necessary to prevent indigenous peoples from being left behind.

IWGIA supports the interlink between the local and the global

The linking of international commitments and national laws and is one of the biggest challenges for indigenous peoples.

Therefore IWGIA is enhancing the bridging of the existing gap by supporting the initiatives of indigenous peoples’ organisations to empower them to flag their cases in relevant international forums. They bring documentation, cases and updates from the ground to encourage change at the local level.

The aim is to link decisions and policies adopted at the global level with the development of laws and policies at the local and regional level. 

Collecting data on indigenous peoples' rights and the SDGs

With support from the EU, the online platform called the Indigenous Navigator have been developed for collecting community-generated data and information that visualises and identifies existing gaps in the implementation of indigenous peoples’ rights.

Indigenous Navigator provides tools to analyze and document indigenous peoples’ human rights and development, and uncover the important links between the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the commitments put forward in the Sustainable Development Goals and targets, and in the Outcome Document of the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples.

Through the indigenous Navigator questionnaires, communities can generate their own data and make them available on an online data portal. This will allow other actors to access in-depth information about indigenous peoples’ situation.

The Indigenous Navigator is aimed at raising indigenous peoples’ awareness of their rights through systematic data generation, and empowering them to claim their rights by using their data in dialogue with policy-makers and development stakeholders at the local, national and global levels.

The Indigenous Navigator is a collaborative initiative developed by Asia Indigenous Peoples’ Pact (AIPP), Forest Peoples’ Programme (FPP), International Labour Organization (ILO), Tebtebba Foundation, Danish Institute for Human Rights (DIHR) and International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) with support from the European Union (EU). You can explore the tools here: www.indigenousnavigator.org

Loss of land and natural resources undermine economic security, sociocultural cohesion and human dignity of indigenous peoples around the world. Territorial self-governance, mobilisation, rights-awareness and legal strategies are helping to protect indigenous peoples and their land.

Indigenous peoples worldwide share connectedness with nature. The culture and identity of indigenous peoples are rooted in their land. Losing it means loss of identity.

Therefore indigenous peoples have long stood at the frontline of resistance against land grabbing caused by for example deforestation; mineral, oil, and gas extraction; and the expansion of plantations, national parks, agribusiness, dams and infrastructure.

By uniting and organising themselves, indigenous peoples are protecting their territories from the influx of businesses, settlers, other dominant or armed groups. However, indigenous peoples’ resistance has in many cases been answered with brutality and even murder.  

Indigenous peoples are being uprooted

The global race for economic growth and the increasing material consumption and trade have consequences for indigenous peoples. Their lands and territories have been appropriated, grabbed, sold, leased or simply plundered and polluted by governments, private companies and powerful individuals.

Many indigenous peoples have also been uprooted from their land through discriminatory government policies or armed conflict.

With the loss of land and natural resources follows a loss of traditional livelihood practices. With that the inter-generational transfer of traditional knowledge, the undermining of social organisation and traditional institutions, and of cultural and spiritual practices. All of which causes poverty, social disintegration, and loss of human dignity.

Land grabbing and lack of recognition

Land grabbing causes forced evictions and other forms of gross human rights abuses, which happen on a large scale in Africa and Asia. Land grabbing is driven by very strong forces and is exacerbated by the fact that many indigenous peoples suffer from a weak legal protection of their lands.

In Africa and Asia, very few countries have ratified ILO Convention 169, and almost no countries have legal frameworks providing for the recognition and protection of indigenous peoples’ lands. Where legal frameworks exist, the implementation is very weak or non-existent.

Indigenous peoples in many cases share collective land rights, but this ownership of the lands is not properly documented or officially recognized. Therefore indigenous peoples’ lands are often seen as fertile ground for natural resource exploitation since there is no ‘visible’ use or occupation of the land – or simply because the use of the land is not seen as profitable/adequate.

Almost all countries in Latin America have ratified ILO Convention 169, but real consultation based on the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent rarely occurs. 

Due to their political and economic marginalization, indigenous peoples have in general little control over their lands and territories and the way these are being governed by the states.

Watch IWGIA's Senior Advisor on land rights, Marianne Wiben Jensen, talk about some of the issues related to land grabbing:

 

Strong and resilient indigenous peoples

While huge threats and land dispossession is one side of the coin, the other side is that indigenous peoples have proven to be strong, resilient and able to organise and defend themselves.

This agency is demonstrated by the fact that indigenous peoples are still there. They still occupy many of their ancestral territories, they maintain to a large extent their unique cultures, and they are the guardians of much of the world’s cultural and biological diversity.

Indigenous peoples are no longer struggling alone but have organised themselves in a joint global movement. They have secured their rights in international law and play active roles in major international processes affecting their rights and livelihoods.

Territorial self-government and legal victories

In Latin America, indigenous peoples have in countries such as Panama, Nicaragua, Colombia, Peru and Bolivia won territorial self-governance building on the fundamental principle of self-determination within the international indigenous peoples’ rights legal framework.

Greenland's self-rule has been an important source of inspiration for the self-governing territories. In Africa, Asia and Russia, there are discussions on decentralisation, local governance and political representation of indigenous peoples.

Within the regional human rights systems such as the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Inter-American Human Rights system, indigenous peoples have won historic victories of the right to land.

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About IWGIA

IWGIA - International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs - is a global human rights organisation dedicated to promoting and defending Indigenous Peoples’ rights. Read more.

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Indigenous World

IWGIA's global report, the Indigenous World, provides an update of the current situation for Indigenous Peoples worldwide. Read The Indigenous World.

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