The Indigenous World 2025: Venezuela

Written on 25 April 2025. Posted in Venezuela

Venezuela’s Indigenous Peoples mainly inhabit the Amazon region, comprising the states of Amazonas, Bolívar and Delta Amacuro, in the south-east of the country. There are also Indigenous populations, although to a much lesser degree, in the states of Zulia, Apure, Lara, Guárico, Monagas and Sucre.

Most of these states are on the borders of the country and are more difficult to access, evidence of a historical process of territorial settlement that tended to expel the Indigenous Peoples from the central areas.

Comprising some 700,000 individuals, Indigenous Venezuelans represent approximately 3% of the total population, encompassing 51 peoples. However, the territories they inhabit cover almost 50% of the entire national territory.

As 2024 came to a close, their human rights situation was indicative of a perpetuation of several ongoing problems in this regard, due in particular to the worsening economic and social crisis in place since at least 2016.

All this is despite a broad set of laws that protect their rights, including those recognized in the Constitution of the Republic.

This article is part of the 39^th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here

Current Venezuelan Indigenous problems are the result of a combination of deteriorating living conditions, including poor access to basic services such as health, food and education, and the harmful effects of illegal mining and other extractive activities on their territories. The latter relates primarily to the Indigenous Peoples living in the states of Amazonas and Bolívar.

In the case of Venezuela's non-Amazonian Indigenous Peoples, the absence of illegal mining does not exclude other extractive activities or illegal groups on their territories. For example, in the east of the country, peoples such as the Warao are affected by smuggling gangs, as is also the case in the state of Zulia (on the border with Colombia), where the Wayúu and Guajira populations live.

The common denominator is a resulting deterioration in their living conditions and, thus, in the effective exercise of their rights, despite the efforts made by the Venezuelan State and the various civil society organizations, as well as the UN humanitarian aid system.

In the case of the Indigenous Peoples living in the states of Bolívar and Amazonas, illegal mining has caused environmental destruction, as well as a deterioration in and even loss of their ancestral territories due to the de facto control exercised by illegal armed groups. Many Indigenous leaders are the target of attacks, threats and harassment for this reason.

The widespread deterioration in living conditions has, in turn, led to the forced or involuntary recruitment of many Indigenous people, who end up involved in these illegal extractive activities. This situation affects not only those who have been forced to migrate to the mining camps to gain an income but also those who remain behind in the communities, where the dynamics have changed.

This latter occurs because, as Indigenous people migrate to the mines, fewer people are available in the communities to cultivate their traditional gardens or market their traditional produce. In addition, their governance structures become fragmented as a result of conflicting views over mining activity. Not only that but their capacity to face up to pressure from the external groups present on their territories or in the surrounding areas also decreases. This all affects the Indigenous Peoples’ productive capacity over their lands, territories and resources, as well as their rights to autonomy and self-government.

It is nonetheless important to highlight that, despite the above, the national government is making efforts to gain more control over the areas affected by mining. These efforts are not always clear and are often contradictory in their actions. They have, however, managed to expel many illegal miners, partially recovering territorial control, as in the case of the large mining area located in the Yapacana National Park, in the state of Amazonas. Similar operations have also been carried out in other areas of this state, as well as in Bolívar state.

One of the weaknesses of these operations is that, because they are not constant over time and because the area is extremely large and difficult to access, their effects are not sustained or, in any case, are only sufficient to shift the problem from one area to another.

In this context, grassroots Indigenous movements have denounced this weakness and have proposed that the national government should strengthen territorial control via full recognition of Indigenous territorial rights, which would include their demarcation. This latter is supported by scientific studies: those areas where Indigenous territories overlap with natural protected areas (ecological reserves, national parks, natural monuments) are much better preserved than those that do not.^[1]

In addition, the State has also shown a greater propensity to include Indigenous Peoples as lead players in the formulation of its plans to combat climate change and other environmental policies envisaged in the different agreements to which it is a party. This can be seen, for example, in the National Climate Change Adaptation Plan (NCAAP), where the 2024 consultations included gender and Indigenous Peoples' perspectives as cross-cutting issues.

Although these efforts are still insufficient, they do mark a positive trend.

In addition, within the context of their humanitarian actions, organizations linked to the UN system have shown a greater propensity to comply with the obligatory application of prior consultation protocols, in line with the habits and customs of the Indigenous Peoples. Although there is still much work to be done in this regard, this too is good news.

In this sense, it is important to recognize the role of Indigenous and indigenist organizations that are currently fighting and working for the effective recognition of Indigenous rights. The case of the Regional Organization of Amazonian Indigenous Peoples (ORPIA) is perhaps the best example of an Indigenous organization since it brings together all the grassroots organizations of the different Indigenous Peoples living in the state of Amazonas. In the case of indigenist organizations, the Socio-environmental Working Group of the Amazon - Wataniba's role in supporting the production of prior consultation protocols and maps of sacred sites is noteworthy.

Despite their specific features, the problems facing Venezuela’s Indigenous Peoples cannot be seen in isolation from the national context and, thus, to the extent that any progress can be made in improving the latter, their situation will tend to improve or will be in a better condition to do so. As long as internal and external confrontation persists, it will be more difficult to move in this direction.

In conclusion, although 2024 continued to be a difficult year for the human rights of Venezuela's Indigenous populations, progress could also be observed in the actions of the State and civil society organizations, with a greater mobilization of Indigenous grassroots organizations in the defence of their rights and real exercise of those rights. There are still many threats and many challenges but complexity has also brought greater mobilization and organization, enabling us to report a less gloomy scenario than in recent years.

Luis Salas Rodríguez - Wataniba. Sociologist, political economist and adviser to Wataniba - Socio-environmental Working Group of the Amazon, an organization dedicated to the protection of the Amazon and the promotion and defence of the rights of the Amazonian Indigenous Peoples.

This article is part of the 39^th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here

Notes and references 

^[1] Luis Salas Rodríguez - Wataniba. “El oro o la vida: la lucha de los Pueblos Indígenas venezolanos contra la minería ilegal”. Debates Indígenas, 1 February 2025. https://debatesindigenas.org/2025/02/01/el-oro-o-la-vida-la-lucha-de-los-pueblos-indigenas-venezolanos-contra-la-mineria-ilegal/

Tags: Land rights, Business and Human Rights , Human rights