The Indigenous World 2026: Indigenous Peoples' Advocacy at the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is an international treaty adopted at the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992 to tackle climate change. In 2015, the UNFCCC adopted the Paris Agreement, a universal agreement to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. The goal of the Paris Agreement is to hold “...the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursuing efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C...” (Art. 2a).[1]
Given that only nation states recognized under the United Nations (UN) are eligible for UNFCCC membership, all other sectors of society are regarded as “observers”. For centuries, Indigenous Peoples have fought for recognition of their collective, inherent rights as distinct Peoples with self-determination equal to that of nation states. While these rights have been recognized in international human rights law, and again reaffirmed in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), Indigenous Peoples at the UNFCCC remain mere observers without any decision-making power. Indigenous Peoples are therefore trapped between the convention state/non-state binary, unaccommodated within the legal framework of the UNFCCC.
Despite being a restrictive place for everyone but state parties, the UNFCCC does acknowledge that achieving sustainable development requires the active participation of all sectors of society.Nine “constituencies” are therefore recognized as the main channels through which broad participation is facilitated. Indigenous Peoples constitute one of these constituencies and thereby exercise an influential role in global climate negotiations, albeit still as “observers”. The Indigenous Peoples’ constituency is organized in the International Indigenous Peoples’ Forum on Climate Change (IIPFCC, also known as Indigenous Peoples’ Caucus) serving as a representative mechanism for articulating positions and statements on behalf of the world’s Indigenous Peoples, and for undertaking effective advocacy work at UNFCCC negotiations and meetings.
Indigenous Peoples have asserted their collective right to self-determination at the UNFCCC, demanding a process for enhanced recognition and participation. This led to a negotiation process culminating in 2015 with the establishment of a Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples’ Platform (‘the Platform’). Being a dedicated space for knowledge exchange, capacity-building and policy dialogue, the Platform has gradually been operationalized over the last 10 years. The Platform is stewarded by a Facilitative Working Group (FWG), the only constituted body under the UNFCCC with equal representation between Indigenous Peoples and Parties and, further to this, with Indigenous members self-selected by Indigenous Peoples in each of the seven socio-cultural regions of the world. The FWG underwent a review in 2024, adopting its third, three-year workplan (also known as the Baku Workplan) at the 29th Conference of the Parties (COP 29).
The Platform initially raised the expectations of Indigenous Peoples who, through the negotiation process in 2015, demanded a platform that would facilitate their full and effective participation in the UNFCCC negotiations through a human rights-based approach.[2] This wide-reaching mandate was refused by Parties who instead offered a mechanism with a much more limited mandate. It therefore remains to be seen if the Platform will prove to be the long-term avenue for Indigenous Peoples to elevate their influence and direct participation at the UNFCCC beyond that of observers in accordance with Indigenous Peoples’ rights to self-determination as distinct peoples.
This article is part of the 40th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. Find The Indigenous World 2026 in full here
We dedicate this article to the courageous leadership of Daria Egereva, Co‑Chair of the International Indigenous Peoples’ Forum on Climate Change (IIPFCC), who was unjustly detained by Russian authorities on 17 December 2025 after participating in the UN Climate Change Conference, COP 30 in Belém (Brazil). At the time of writing this chapter, Daria remains in custody, potentially facing a decades-long prison sentence. Daria, your voice at the UNFCCC and beyond, strengthens the struggles of many Indigenous Peoples, and reminds the world that climate justice is inseparable from Indigenous Peoples’ rights and self‑determination.[3]
Introduction
For the first time since the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development (the Rio Earth Summit), the Conference of the Parties returned to Brazil for its 30th session (COP 30). In November 2025, in the northern state of Para, over 56,000 participants –government representatives, heads of states, UN staff, media, civil society and, of course, representatives of Indigenous Peoples– made the trip to Belém.
The Brazilian Presidency, led by Ambassador André Corrêa do Lago (a former negotiator), spent the year championing the “Amazonia COP”, trying to reinvigorate multilateralism, and use it as an opportunity to accelerate implementation and ambition through a global “mutirão” against climate change, a global effort of cooperation among peoples for the progress of humanity.[4] Mutirão, a word in the Tupi-Guarani language, also signalled the Presidency’s stated commitment to make it an “Indigenous COP”, increasing the presence and participation of Indigenous Peoples from Brazil and globally.
This return to the Amazon took place against a backdrop of accelerating climate impacts and inadequate global responses. Both the 2025 Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) Synthesis Report, produced by the UNFCCC Secretariat, and the 2025 UN Environment Programme (UNEP) Emissions Gap Report, confirmed that emissions continue to track in the wrong direction, putting the world on a trajectory of 2.3–2.5°C warming if NDCs are fully implemented, and around 2.8°C under current policies.[5]
Record numbers of Indigenous representatives from all seven socio-cultural regions, 900 in the official Blue Zone alone, showed up in Belém to push for just, equitable, and decolonial responses to the intersecting causes and repercussions of the climate crisis. Despite the outward commitments of the COP Presidency, Indigenous Peoples, yet again, faced, and had to navigate, a space not built for them. In the Blue Zone, Indigenous Peoples struggled to translate their presence into power, seeing limited references to their rights, knowledge systems, and leadership in official COP decisions. Outside the Blue Zone (and in the real world), Indigenous Peoples in Brazil continued to face expanded mining and oil development, mercury contamination, and deforestation, witnessing the ongoing destruction of the Amazon.[6] This contradiction between increasing participation and ongoing dispossession lies at the heart of Indigenous Peoples’ participation within the UNFCCC.
COP 30: a Global Mutirão?
With 56,000 in attendance, COP 30 was the second largest in recent years. However, this number was undoubtedly smaller than desired, due to the soaring costs of travel and accommodation, even for Party representatives.[7] Hosted at the Hangar Convention Center, the space featured both a Blue Zone (the official UNFCCC space) and a Green Zone (organized by the Government of Brazil).
The disproportionate influence of the fossil fuels sector manifested at COP 30 yet again. Nearly one in every 25 participants, over 1,600 in total, were fossil fuel lobbyists, representing a proportional increase of 12% from Azerbaijan, and still double the number of accredited Indigenous representatives. Alongside the formal UN meetings, a large number of Indigenous Peoples, activists, and members of civil society created parallel spaces for advocacy, marching outside of the venue on 15 November (for the first time in years given the previous three COPs had been hosted by governments who have criminalized civilian space and demonstrations) and convening events at the People’s COP.[8]
The Brazilian Presidency continued the tradition of hosting a World Leaders’ Summit, with one major modification: it was hosted several days before the opening of the session. While this eased security protocols, it also created the perception of complete separation: a perception that had been felt in previous years but not actively discussed. The participation of Indigenous Peoples and civil society at the two-day Summit was also quite restricted, indicating a step back from the already limited participation in previous years.
The official session opened with minor negotiations on the agenda but general support for the Presidency’s proposals on dealing with late agenda additions on climate finance, ambition, unilateral trade measures (in response to the United States), and data transparency. On Tuesday night (13 November), however, the sleepy session awoke with a bang, as frustrated Indigenous activists from Brazil, alongside local demonstrators, forced themselves into the entrance of the Blue Zone in an act of civilian disobedience to protest against a lack of promised access.[9] The next day, a peaceful protest by Indigenous Peoples blocked the entrance of the venue for several hours, forcing participants to enter through another entrance. In a poorly judged response to these protests, a distressing letter from the UNFCCC Executive Secretary Simon Stiell to the Brazilian Presidency[10] called for increased security presence, leading to the rapid militarization of the venue and the surrounding area by Federal and State police forces.
Meanwhile, the negotiations inside the Blue Zone continued. Despite claims that there would not be a “cover decision”, the Brazilian Presidency took the spirit of the mutirão concept and produced a Global Mutirão text that regrouped the four agenda additions, as well as important issues that were not on the formal agenda. With several iterations (and a forced break due to an electrical fire at the African Pavilion, which required an evacuation of the entire venue), the Global Mutirão text was adopted and featured a series of commitments surrounding climate ambition and a reaffirmation of the Paris Agreement's increasingly illusionary temperature goal.[11] The text makes limited reference to Indigenous Peoples (two references in the preamble) but calls for urgent action and support for deep, rapid and sustained reductions in emissions (in line with calls from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change), through largely voluntary exercises. Other highlights of the text include the establishment of a two-year work programme on climate finance and an aspirational call for the tripling of adaptation finance. It further launches a Global Implementation Accelerator as well as a Belém Mission to 1.5 for the implementation of NDCs and national adaptation plans (NAPs).
The main controversy surrounding the Global Mutirão text was the complete absence of references to fossil fuels, satisfying several Parties for whom an exclusion had been a red line. In response, COP President Corrêa do Lago announced they would bring two “roadmaps” to present outcomes at the next COP. One focused on transitioning away from fossil fuels in a just, orderly, and equitable manner, and the other on deforestation, entitled the Forest and Climate roadmap. These initiatives were bizarrely characterized as an “unprecedented global debate on the future of fossil fuels” by the COP 30 Presidency, especially in the face of rising geopolitical tensions, although not all commentators would share their enthusiasm.
The second, more substantial decision of COP 30 related to the indicators of the Global Goal on Adaptation. Following an accelerated technical phase where nominated experts reduced a list of indicators from over 500 to exactly 100 grouped into 10 categories, Parties were concerned about their potential to infringe on national sovereignty without sufficient funding. The landing zone, much to the chagrin of those working on indicators, was to arbitrarily reduce and modify the initial list to only 59 indicators and create a two-year Belém-Addis Vision to develop guidance for their operationalization. During the final plenary, however, several countries expressed disappointment, including yet another overlooked (and ultimately ignored) point of order.
For Indigenous Peoples, the most significant advancement of COP 30 was contained in the Just Transition Work Programme decision.[12] For the first time ever, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) was referenced in an operative paragraph due, in large part, to a strong advocacy campaign led by the Indigenous Peoples’ Caucus. Paragraph 12i recognizes the importance of the rights of Indigenous Peoples “and of obtaining their free, prior, and informed consent”. It calls for all just transition pathways to “respect and promote the internationally recognized collective and individual rights of Indigenous Peoples, including the rights to self-determination, and acknowledge the rights and protections for Indigenous Peoples in voluntary isolation and initial contact”. The decision also committed to the development of a new Just Transition Mechanism intended to support international cooperation, technical assistance and capacity-building. While indeed Indigenous Peoples welcomed the strong rights language, the Caucus had called for the inclusion of specific rights safeguarding in relation to mineral extraction, an issue that proved too controversial for Parties to agree upon.[13]
Other important areas of negotiation for Indigenous Peoples included the conclusion of negotiations on the Belém Gender Action Plan. Over the next eight years, the Plan acknowledges Indigenous women within an intersectional gender framework and recognizes their leadership and knowledge systems; however, it contains limited concrete obligations or accountability mechanisms. Also relevant was the Guidance to the Green Climate Fund, which encourages the development of direct access modalities, including for Indigenous Peoples, and to the Global Environment Facility, which invites it “to ensure safeguards for the rights of Indigenous Peoples and to consider Indigenous Peoples’ perspectives and diverse knowledge systems in its decision-making”.
Decisions on the Standing Committee on Finance encouraged continued engagement with Indigenous Peoples, while Article 6 decisions requested the Supervisory Body of the Paris Agreement Credit Mechanism to facilitate the engagement of “those that cannot easily participate in the mechanism, including Indigenous Peoples.” By contrast, decisions related to the Global Stocktake and the Sharm el-Sheikh Mitigation Ambition and Implementation Work Programme made only limited reference to Indigenous Peoples, despite the 2025 report of the Mitigation Programme highlighting the “vital role of Indigenous Peoples” and the need “to support them in the sustainable management and use of forests, as well as the importance of recognising their land rights and traditional knowledge, including as part of long-term mitigation policies”. These limited references underscore the ongoing challenge of achieving consistent and progressive recognition of Indigenous Peoples across decision areas that directly affect them.
Indigenous Peoples: growing representation in the UNFCCC
Indigenous Peoples’ presence was front-and-center at COP 30, as the COP Presidency appointed Minister of Indigenous Peoples, Sonia Guajajara, as the leader of the Circle of Peoples and Sineia De Vale (also the Co-Chair of the IIPFCC) as Special Envoy. The Circle of Peoples, controversially to some, established two smaller Commissions, one focused on traditional communities and the other on Indigenous Peoples. Much time and energy from Indigenous representatives of the seven regions was spent on deliberating and weighing up the cost-benefit analysis of officially joining the Commission, with two regions withholding their support. The main concern was potential duplication of the specific and official role that the Indigenous Peoples’ Caucus holds within the process, including in its connection with the COP President and the UNFCCC.
In advance of the official opening, the IIPFCC hosted the largest preparatory meeting in the history of COPs, where over 500 representatives of Indigenous Peoples registered to participate and prepare for their participation in the two-week meeting. The two-day meeting included strategic discussions on key agenda items, the development of unified Indigenous advocacy positions, and capacity-building activities for Indigenous delegates engaging in COP30. The Indigenous Peoples’ Pavilion returned to the Blue Zone (funded with support from a wide number of allies) in a central location, not far from the venue’s entrance. Despite uncomfortable heat and noise pollution from surrounding pavilions, the Pavilion featured over 70 events from representatives of the seven regions.
During the two weeks, key reports were released. The Centre of International Environmental Law (CIEL) and the IIPFCC updated their compilation report, Indigenous Peoples and Traditional Knowledge in the context of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.[14] The report shows a substantial increase in references to Indigenous Peoples in COP decisions (between 15-21 decisions each COP since COP 25). In parallel, a report supported by the COP 28 High-Level Champion Razan Al-Mubarak, Guardians of the Climate: Indigenous Peoples’ Leadership in Climate Action,[15] was officially released, highlighting over 700 case stories of Indigenous Peoples’ adaptation and mitigation efforts from all seven regions. Finally, an updated mapping of NDCs and their references to Indigenous Peoples was launched, with an expectation for a further update in the new year.[16]
Although there were no scheduled negotiations on the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples’ Platform, at its own initiative the Brazilian Presidency forced negotiations on a decision to address a gap in their interpretation of the composition of the Facilitative Working Group (FWG): the representation of local communities. The discussions were largely advanced through bilateral discussions between Parties, beginning with the unilateral addition of three local communities’ representatives appointed by States. Indigenous Peoples, and many supportive Parties, resisted this proposal, citing procedural concerns with the precedent of overstepping the forthcoming FWG review scheduled for COP 32 in 2027, as well as the absence of clear procedures for self-representation and self-nomination of local communities to the FWG. Responding to Indigenous Peoples’ urgent advocacy towards Parties on this particular issue, Brazil backed down and saw their proposal significantly watered down. The final decision adopted on the matter simply acknowledges the work of the Brazilian Presidency in convening discussions on local communities, welcomes the efforts of local communities in strengthening their engagement in the Platform, and requests that the Secretariat prepare an informal report as input for the COP 32 review.[17] Discussions between Indigenous Peoples and those representatives of local communities in the informal constituency advanced in a productive way, discussing strategies to avoid the manipulation of State governments.
Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples’ Platform
2025 marked the conclusion of the term for the second cohort of Facilitative Working Group (FWG) members. Thirteen new members from Indigenous Peoples and States were appointed to continue the mandate and implement the six collective actions outlined in the Baku Workplan. The UNFCCC Secretariat continued the tradition of hosting “Informal Dialogues with Contributors” in advance of each FWG meeting, supporting the participation of Indigenous contributors.
Over four days from 10-13 June, in Bonn, Germany, FWG 13 was the first meeting hosted by the new cohort. Following a short opening ceremony featuring previous members, the new members elected their first set of Co-Chairs and Vice-Chairs (two Indigenous representatives and two Party representatives, respectively) for a one-year term.[18] Following this election, the meeting opened with its agenda, largely focusing on familiarizing the new members with the six collective approaches outlined in the Baku Workplan and identifying key activity co-leads and focal points for relevant bodies and work programmes.[19] The session followed previous formats with breakout group discussions, providing time for contributors to input on the various agenda items being discussed. Of note, a significant group of local communities (largely from Brazilian “traditional” communities) were present, largely supported by the COP 30 Presidency, and hosted their own breakout discussions. The FWG also adopted its annual theme “Ambitious and just climate action rooted in holistic stewardship”, as guidance for the implementation of the activities occurring at COP 30.[20]
FWG 14 took place in Belém, between 4-7 November. The session featured strong participation from Indigenous Peoples, local communities, Parties, and observers, following a similar agenda to FWG 13. Following a ceremonial opening, the meeting was addressed by Dr. Youssef Nassef, UNFCCC Director of Adaptation, Daria Egereva, Co-Chair of the Indigenous Peoples’ Caucus, Edel Moraes from the COP 30 Presidency, and, for the first time, a “representative” of local communities, Alhassan Attahiro Jaoji. The meeting used a similar format, small breakout discussions and interactive posters, to discuss the implementation of the six collective approaches. Key areas of discussion included the staggering of members on the FWG (some will finish after 2-year terms), events taking place at COP 30, and discussions with bodies inside and outside the UNFCCC. The implementation of Activity 5.3 on the development of an ethical protocol on the protection and use of Indigenous traditional knowledge was flagged as a key area for Indigenous Peoples to support the appropriate protections of their knowledge systems. The outcomes of the meeting were summarized in the Co-Chairs Summary of Decisions.[21]
The fifth annual gathering of knowledge keepers represented the first of the new work programme. Following a late confirmation of financial support, a reduced number of Indigenous knowledge holder representatives (only 3 per region) travelled to Belém, while a similar invitation was made for State nominations of local community knowledge holders. Only a limited number of knowledge holders were nominated by States; however, the precedent was deeply problematic for Indigenous members who, despite their best efforts, continue to navigate the conflation of the knowledge of Indigenous Peoples and of local knowledge. The session included a full-day preparatory meeting (Annual Gathering) followed by a second meeting with Parties, constituted bodies, and other NGOs (Annual Dialogue). For the first time, the Secretariat was responsible for a summary of the recommendations from the discussion, focused on the four sharing groups, in order to explore holistic ambition, resilience and stewardship, transitions, and futures.
A day later, a six-hour Seventh-Generation Round Table was held. The session built on previous experiences but introduced new dynamics and approaches. It contained two parts: a story circle that invited nominated knowledge holders, both from Indigenous Peoples and from local communities, to share their lived perspectives, and then a series of breakout discussions focused on highlighting their leadership in their intergenerational responsibility and well-being. All the discussions contributed to the framing of a new Seventh-Generation Policy Lens that will continue to be developed. The recommendations were presented in the Annual Intergenerational Dialogue with Parties, Constituted bodies, and allied organizations.
COP 31: moving to Türkiye (with an Australian twist)
Without a doubt, Indigenous Peoples continue to make progress in influencing global climate governance, increasing their presence and creating unique spaces in colonial institutions that were built on their exclusion. Frustration remains, however, as decisions neglect to include the rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Looking forward, Indigenous Peoples will bring these perspectives to COP 31 in Türkiye, where a Frankenstein-esque arrangement concluded at COP 30 with Türkiye being the President and Australia the President of Negotiations, awaits.[22] Mr. Murat Kurum, Minister of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change in Türkiye, was appointed as the COP President to navigate this unique partnership in the midst of the increasingly stormy waters of global multilateralism. A pre-COP in the Pacific, a region where Indigenous territories stand to be swallowed by climate change-induced sea level rise, offers yet another opportunity for Indigenous Peoples to translate rhetoric into concrete action.
The Platform is a space of influence but the questionable representation of local communities continues to create unique challenges for Indigenous Peoples to navigate. It is abundantly clear, however, that the leadership of Indigenous Peoples takes place on the ground –in our lands, waters, and territories– in partnership with our knowledge keepers, women, youth, and gender-diverse individuals, rather than at the COP. This is the only way that Indigenous Peoples can continue pushing for transformative, decolonial, and just change in the face of status quo incrementalism at the UNFCCC.
Graeme Reed has mixed Anishinaabe from the Great Lakes, English, Scottish and German ancestry. He works at the Assembly of First Nations leading their involvement in federal and international climate policy, including as Indigenous North American Representative of the Facilitative Working Group on the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform. He holds a PhD from the University of Guelph.
Taily Terena is an Indigenous activist from Brazil, of the Xané (Terena) ethnicity, whose work centers on human rights, gender issues, youth and environmental protection. She holds a degree in anthropology and in social sciences from the University of Brasília and today works at the International Indian Treaty Council. In 2025, she was the first-ever Brazilian Indigenous person to receive the Global Citizen Prize.
Stefan Thorsell (contributing author) is Climate Advisor at the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA). In partnership with Indigenous Peoples’ representatives, he engages in international climate advocacy at the UNFCCC. In addition to his published contributions on Indigenous Peoples’ rights, he has published research on the peace process in Colombia.
Rosario Carmona (contributing author) is a Programme Consultant on Climate at the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA). She is also a painter and anthropologist, holds a PhD from the University of Bonn, and holds diplomas in Indigenous Peoples’ Rights and Political Ecology.
This article is part of the 40th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. Find The Indigenous World 2026 in full here
Notes and references
[1] UNFCCC. “The Paris Agreement.” Accessed 19 January 2026. https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/the-paris-agreement
[2] For more information see: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA). Consolidating the rights of Indigenous Peoples in climate governance through the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform. Copenhagen, 2023. https://iwgia.org/en/resources/publications/5309-consolidating-rights-indigenous-peoples-climate-governance-local-communities-indigenous-peoples-platform.html
[3] For more information about the detention of Daria Egereva, read the article on Russia in The Indigenous World 2026: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA). “Russia” in The Indigenous World 2026. General editor Dwayne Mamo. Copenhagen, 2026.
[4] Read about Ambassador André Corrêa do Lago here: Presidency of the Republic of Brazil. “Ambassador André Corrêa do Lago chosen as president of COP30.” 22 January 2025. https://www.gov.br/planalto/en/latest-news/2025/01/ambassador-andre-correa-do-lago-chosen-as-president-of-cop30
[5] The reports are available at https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/nationally-determined-contributions-ndcs/2025-ndc-synthesis-report and https://www.unep.org/resources/emissions-gap-report-2025
[6] A case in point was the Brazilian government’s decision to grant a new exploratory oil drilling license in the sea off the Amazon just weeks before COP 30: Ione Wells. “Brazil grants oil exploration licence in Amazon region.” BBC, 20 October 2025. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cm2735yp75ko
[7] United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, “Provisional list of participants COP30.” 10 November 2025. https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/PLOP_COP30.pdf The Presidency did create the Aldeia COP to support affordable accommodation options for Indigenous Peoples.
[8] People’s Summit Towards COP30: https://cupuladospovoscop30.org/en/
[9] The International Indigenous Peoples Forum on Climate Change issued a statement in Solidarity of Local Demonstrations in Belem: International Indigenous People's Forum on Climate Change, “IIPFCC Statement in Solidarity of Local Demonstrations in Belem.” 14 November 2025. https://www.iipfcc.org/blog/2025/11/15/iipfcc-statement-in-solidarity-of-local-demonstrations-in-belem
[10] Letter from UNFCCC Executive Secretary, 12 November 2025. https://drive.google.com/file/d/1OjfiicFcrMJmJZaGs_bYtJRPKklW6KXq/view; The response from Human Rights organizations was swift, raising concern with the characterization of Mr. Stiell’s letter: Urgent Appeal to Reverse Harmful UNFCCC Communication Endangering Indigenous Peoples and Protest Rights, 17 November 2025. https://climaterights.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Urgent-Appeal-to-Reverse-Harmful-UNFCCC-Communication-Endangering-Indigenous-Peoples-and-Protest-Rights.pdf
[11] Decision 2c/CMA.7 available at https://unfccc.int/documents/655095
[12] All COP 30 decisions are available at https://unfccc.int/cop30/auvs
[13] “Inuit Circumpolar Council. ‘Landmark Achievements at “Indigenous COP”, Safeguards Omitted.’ 27 November 2025. https://www.inuitcircumpolar.com/press-releases/landmark-achievements-at-indigenous-cop-safeguards-omitted/
[14] International Indigenous Peoples’ Forum on Climate Change and Center for International Enviromental Law. “Indigenous Peoples and Traditional Knowledge in the Context of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.” 2019. https://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Indigenous-Peoples-and-Traditional-Knowledge-in-the-Context-of-the-UNFCCC-2019-Update.pdf
[15] Kirsty Galloway McLean and Sam Johnston. “Guardians of the Climate: Indigenous Peoples’ Leadership in Climate Action.” Tebtebba, ELATIA Consortium, ILEPA, The Mohamed bin Zayed Species Conservation Fund and Climate High-Level Champions, October 2025. https://tebtebba.org/index.php/filelink/fileman-files/subpages/guardians-of-the-climate/Global%20Data%20Study-Guardians%20of%20the%20Climate%20Advance%20Reader's%20Copy.pdf
[16] International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA). “Recognition of Indigenous Peoples in Nationally Determined Contributions: An overview for the third cycle.” Copenhagen, October 2025.
https://iwgia.org/en/resources/publications/5852-recognition-indigenous-peoples-nationally-determined-contributions-overview-third-cycle.html
[17] See Decision 2.f/CP.30 available at https://unfccc.int/documents/655010
[18] Janene Yazzie (representing the United Nations Indigenous sociocultural region of North America) and Dr. Agrafena Kotova (representing the United Nations regional group of Eastern Europe) were elected as Co-Chairs, and Robert Karoro (representing the United Nations Indigenous sociocultural region of Pacific) and Rafik Aini (representing the United Nations regional group of Africa) were elected as Vice Co-Chairs.
[19] The six collective appraoches are outlined in the Baku Workplan available at: https://lcipp.unfccc.int/sites/default/files/2024-12/Baku_Workplan_of_the_Local_Communities_and_Indigenous_Peoples_Platform.pdf
[20] Co-Chairs’ Summary Note of Decisions from the 13th Meeting of the Facilitative Working Group: Co-Chairs’ Summary Note of Decisions from the FWG 13_Adopted.pdf
[21] Co-Chairs’ Summary Note of Decisions from the 14th Meeting of the Facilitative Working Group: Co-Chairs’ Summary Note of Draft FWG 14 Decisions_7 Nov_1400.pdf
[22] The Partnership Modalities outlined here: 20251121_COP31_Presidency_Modalities-CLEAN-AGREED.pdf
Tags: Global governance
