The Indigenous World 2026: Peru
The Peruvian State officially recognizes 47 Indigenous languages, spoken by 55 different peoples. In the 2017 National Population Census, almost six million people (5,972,603) self-identified as belonging to an Indigenous or Native People, representing just over a quarter of the total population. Of these, 5,176,809 claimed to be Quechua and 548,292 Aymara. The Amazonian census population that self-identifies as Asháninka, Awajún, Shipibo and other peoples amounted to 197,667. Some 50,000 claim to belong to other Indigenous or Native Peoples. It is known that census under-registration in the Amazon region continues to be a problem.
Some 16% of the national territory is covered by mining concessions, which overlap with 35% of the territory of the peasant and native communities. In the Peruvian Amazon, hydrocarbon concessions cover more than 70% of the region, affecting villages and natural protected areas. The overlapping of these concessions with communal territories, the enormous pressure from extractive industries and their polluting effects, the absence of land-use planning and the lack of effective prior consultation all exacerbate the territorial and socio-environmental conflicts in the country. Peru has signed and ratified ILO Convention 169 on Indigenous Peoples and voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 2007.
This article is part of the 40th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. Find The Indigenous World 2026 in full here
To understand the peace and security situation of Peru’s Indigenous Peoples, it is essential to understand the general political context, marked by a prolonged crisis that is eroding institutions and the democratic rule of law. One expression of this can be seen in the fact that, in the last 25 years –since 2000– Peru has had 11 Presidents of the Republic for various reasons, including removal from office for moral incapacity.
Currently, four former presidents are in prison (Alejandro Toledo, Pedro Castillo, Martín Vizcarra and Ollanta Humala), one died in prison (Alberto Fujimori), and another committed suicide when he was about to be arrested (Alan García). Dina Boluarte was removed from office by Congress in December 2025 on the grounds of “permanent moral incapacity”, and the Attorney General's Office is investigating her for various reasons, including deaths that occurred during social protests against her government. The current acting president, José Jerí, faces a critical political situation due to his lack of transparency. There are calls for his resignation, motions of censure, and growing doubts as to whether he will be able to remain in office until July 2026. His continuity depends on parliamentary negotiations and on the progress of the tax investigation against him.
This situation of institutional instability can be explained by the fragile democratic system, the increase in corruption and the penetration of political activity and the functioning of the state by economic interests. Analysts agree: the legacy of the dictator, Alberto Fujimori, embodied in his daughter, Keiko Fujimori, has been favoured by a mafia-like criminal power that bends and controls public institutions from within the Congress of the Republic.
In alliance with some right-wing and far right-wing organizations, this political coalition has managed to tie the hands of governments and even impose itself on the executive branch. To this end, it has colluded with the Peru Libre Party led by Vladimir Cerrón, an organization that claims to be Marxist-Leninist but which has formed an alliance with Fujimorism (“fujicerronismo”) to co-govern in favour of criminality and create legislative and institutional shields to protect itself from accusations.
Fujimorism began with its gradually increasing control of the Constitutional Court, the Ombudsman's Office, the National Board of Justice and the Attorney General’s Office, and is now fully engaged in co-opting the judiciary by means of threats and dismissals. The pro-Fujimori Fernando Rospigliosi, acting president of Congress, is attempting to force judges to apply the Amnesty Law, which seeks to benefit military and police personnel accused of serious human rights violations in emblematic cases such as Accomarca, Cayara, Chuschi, and others involving members of the Army and Navy. Honest judges are, however, refusing to apply this law because it contravenes human rights law and crimes against humanity, as recommended by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR).
The eagerness of Fujimorism and its allies to take complete control of these institutions is causing concern regarding their likely control and manipulation of the electoral bodies in order to influence the results of the general elections of April 2026. Keiko Fujimori is running for a fourth consecutive time, obsessed with political power and trying to evade investigations into alleged money laundering linked to the irregular financing of her 2011 and 2016 presidential campaigns, as well as an accusation that she formed a criminal organization within her Fuerza Popular party.
Organizations that are analysing the deterioration of democracy in Peru have gone from describing it as a “flawed democracy” to a “hybrid regime”, i.e., a democracy with authoritarian features. This is according to the Democracy Index 2024 published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, the business unit of The Economist Group. [1]
Some analysts such as Jaime Antezana –who investigates drug trafficking, terrorism and social conflict– claim that the Peruvian State has been captured by illegal economies that represent a narco-power or narco-state. This would explain the package of pro-crime laws which, in addition to shielding political corruption, favour criminal groups linked to illegal economies. In the 2016 elections, Antezana identified 45 narco-candidates campaigning. Of these, 21 were elected through eight political groups. Fourteen were from Fuerza Popular, followed by Alianza Para el Progreso (APP), Podemos Perú and Renovación Popular.
According to Antezana, the Juliaca massacre, which took place between 15 December 2022 and 9 January 2023, marked the beginning of the end of democracy and the start of Peru's conversion to a narco-criminal parliamentary dictatorship. Since then, democracy has no longer existed in Peru and there is a narco-power or narco-dictatorship. The final blow was the assault and control of the Public Prosecutor's Office through the appointment of Tomás Aladino Gálvez, organized as a member of the “White Collar” mafia. This situation of misgovernment and erosion of democracy is being reproduced in different regions of the country and operates most strongly through crimes such as extortion, contract killings, kidnapping, human trafficking, arms trafficking and illegal mining.
Criminal mafias and illegal economies
According to the Peruvian Institute of Economics (IPE), illegal economies together generate more than USD 12,645,000 (approx. EUR 10.7 million). Illegal gold mining is the main illicit economic activity, and likely generates some USD 6,840,000 (approx. EUR 5.8 million) annually, resulting in an estimated loss of 2.5% of Peru's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) each year. “Beyond the economic figures, the human cost is considerable, with communities being displaced, rights being violated and growing insecurity in the regions affected”.[2]
In terms of economic power, illegal mining, especially gold mining, has grown to become the country’s main illicit activity, surpassing even drug trafficking in terms of economic and social impact. “This phenomenon not only involves the uncontrolled exploitation of resources but also feeds a wider network of organized crime, profoundly impacting both governance and the social fabric,” notes the Observatory of the National Centre for Strategic Planning (CEPLAN).[3]
The power of illegal mining operators is such that they have achieved the fifth consecutive extension of the Integral Mining Formalization Registry (REINFO). The decision adopted on 26 December 2025 extends the controversial REINFO until December 2026 or until the Small-Scale and Artisanal Mining Law (MAPE) comes into force, whichever is the earlier.
According to a report by Amazon Conservation (ACCA), illegal gold mining is present in nine of Peru's Amazonian regions: Puno, Cusco, Huanuco, Loreto, Amazonas, Ucayali, Cajamarca, Madre de Dios and Pasco. In the regions of Loreto and Amazonas alone, there are 14 rivers invaded by illegal mining, and dredgers or other mining machinery have been reported in more than 200 rivers and streams.
Mercury is one of the most toxic substances for health, and much of the mercury found in the rivers and ecosystems of the Peruvian Amazon comes from gold mining. Claudia Vega, coordinator of the Mercury programme at the Amazonian Scientific Innovation Centre (CINCIA), explains that “when [mercury] reaches bodies of water, it transforms into methylmercury, which is one of its most toxic forms, and enters the food chain”. In other words, it affects the fish, the animals that feed on them and the people who consume them.[4]
Drug trafficking is another activity that thrives and is linked to deforestation in the Amazon rainforest, posing a threat to those who oppose this illegal activity. According to the official report of the National Commission for Development and Life without Drugs (Devida) on Coca Crop Monitoring in 2025, more than 89,000 hectares of illegal coca were recorded in Peru in 2024. The report that also notes the spread of this crop into 15 protected areas and more than 200 Indigenous communities.
Road construction is another threat to Amazonian forests and Indigenous communities. A study by the Foundation for Conservation and Sustainable Development (FCDS) of five road projects promoted by the Peruvian government in the Amazon revealed that these roads represent a security risk to the country as they could strengthen the logistics chains of drug trafficking and illegal mining. Other illegal activities, such as deforestation, logging and wildlife trafficking, also operate in ways that undermine the peace and security of communities and Indigenous Peoples.
Disturbance of Indigenous peace and security
The strategic response of Amazonian peoples and communities has been to strengthen the formation of autonomous territorial governments in an effort to better coordinate beyond the native communities and better respond to threats from outside actors and criminal activities.
Another response to the context of violence and criminality has been the activation of Indigenous guards who, in November 2025, held an inter-learning meeting with the participation of delegations from three countries.
The IV International Congress of the Regional Organization of the Indigenous Guard of the Shipibo Konibo Nation, held in the city of Pucallpa, was the ideal forum for signing the Declaration of Bakish Mai in which they reaffirmed their role in providing protection from organized crime and state inaction. They also called for official recognition of their work in the interests of peace, security, Indigenous justice and self-determination.
APCI Law and threat to civic space
On Sunday 14 September, the government published two Supreme Decrees redefining the role of the Peruvian Agency for International Cooperation (APCI) and its sanctioning powers. These were Supreme Decree Nos. 032 and 033 of the Peruvian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, approving the Regulations off the Law on the Peruvian Agency for International Cooperation and its Regulations on Infractions and Sanctions (RIS).
Among the substantial regulatory changes is the mandatory registration of Non-Governmental Development Organizations (NGDOs) and Foreign Entities and Institutions for International Technical Cooperation (ENIEX). The RIS classifies infractions as minor, serious or very serious, with fines of up to 500 tax units and cancellation of registration.
Several civil organizations have expressed their concern at the punitive nature of the regulation, especially the sanctions against NGOs that provide legal advice to victims of the state. Peru is one of the few countries in the region that explicitly penalizes the use of cooperation funds to defend victims of the state in national or international courts. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has described the regulation as “retaliation” against those who report human rights violations, noting that it violates the right to legal defence.
In addition, there are fears that the regulation could be used to limit activism or citizen oversight, especially in contexts of social conflict or repression. The APCI has to approve NGO plans in advance, which may limit their ability to respond quickly to emergencies or rights violations. In turn, the APCI can define which activities “affect public order” without clear criteria, opening the door to political interpretation.
Criminalization of human rights defenders and journalists
According to the database of attacks on defenders compiled by the National Human Rights Coordinating Committee (CNDDHH), five Indigenous and environmental defenders were killed in 2025. For its part, the National Association of Journalists recorded 458 attacks on journalists in its 2025 annual report, with nuances in gender-based violence. Among the attacks, the murders of four journalists were reported: Gastón Medina, Ramiro Celís, Fernando Núñez and Mitzar Castillejos, crimes attributed to hired killers.
Census with limitations
The 2025 Census, which is supposed to provide an up-to-date snapshot of the country and guide public policy, ended up causing concern among Indigenous Peoples due to flaws that put their visibility at risk. An analysis by the Indigenous Peoples Working Group of the National Human Rights Coordinating Committee highlighted the importance of the censuses in understanding people’s living conditions but revealed several flaws in the process and implementation that are detrimental to Indigenous Peoples.
Indigenous organizations are demanding total transparency, the publication of rural registers and disclosure of census programming given their distrust of the results of the 2025 Census, generated by the multiple deficiencies. The CNDDHH report concludes that the 2025 Census showed that, without participation and an intercultural approach, the state runs the risk of continuing to render those who should be a central part of the construction of a more just and plural country invisible.[5]
It should be noted that, in 2025, the Harakbut people developed a community self-census, a strategy aimed at strengthening the process of self-government and reflecting the spiritual connection of the people with the territory. This was emphasized by Jaime Corisepa, opo of the Harakbut Nation, during the event to present the results of this pioneering process of population, territorial and socio-cultural information management. The activity was attended by a large Indigenous delegation, representatives of international organizations, the state and civil society, who recognized this tool as a contribution to intercultural dialogue.
Outlook for 2026
2026 will be marked in Peru by the general elections to be held on Sunday 12 April to elect the President of the Republic, the Vice-Presidents and representatives to Congress and the Andean Parliament for the period 2026-2031. These are the “most complex elections in history”, since a single ballot will feature 39 political groups authorized by the National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE), a record number in Peruvian history and which could lead to a fragmentation of the public vote. Regional and municipal elections are scheduled for 4 October 2026.
Raphael Hoetmer, director of Amazon Watch's Western Amazon Programme, estimates that a complex electoral process is coming, with the risk of more violence than on previous occasions. “I think the presence of representatives of local economic interests linked to illegal mining, drug trafficking and other illegal activities will increase. This is going to put us in very complicated local scenarios,” Hoetmer said.
For his part, Jaime Antezana has observed a change in the strategy of narco-power and Fujimorism ahead of the April elections. In this new period, the use of criminal violence through political assassinations will increase, and actions intended to provoke memories and the fear of Shining Path will multiply. The political ploy is to resurrect terrorist actions because Fujimorism boasts of having effectively combatted terrorism, which is absolutely false; however, there are uninformed people who may believe it. A criminal Shining Path is being fabricated, led by organized crime, which today has an army of hitmen throughout the country and is willing to do anything on demand, explains Antezana.
One example of a political hitman attack would be the assassination of Andrea Vidal, a lawyer and former congressional employee, in January 2025 while she was travelling in a taxi. The crime uncovered allegations of an alleged prostitution ring linked to Parliament. The investigation has been questioned due to serious irregularities and possible cover-ups within the National Police.
Hoetmer believes: "The only way to tackle insecurity in the country is by creating economic and inclusive alternatives for people, and this involves reinforcing and strengthening community territorial governance, particularly Indigenous, and contributing to the protection of people who face these situations.”
“While the number of murders in 2025 has been lower than in previous years, the threat level remains very high and constant. On the other hand, the level of government action against them also remains very low,” adds Hoetmer. One issue that needs to be discussed for the future of the country is “what security means for the future of Peru and how issues of violence are intertwined with the way in which an economic model is implemented, how the level of inequality is maintained and how the Amazon is exploited.” “I think that would be one of the challenges,” he concludes.
Concerns over the democratic deterioration and regression of human rights prompted the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), together with other partners, to undertake the Tejiendo Ciudadanía [Weaving Citizenship] initiative,[6] which has developed 37 proposals grouped into five priority areas: greater security, less corruption, better basic services, greater economic growth with inclusion, and protection of human rights. These proposals should serve as a road map for a new social pact and it is hoped the electoral candidates will take them on board.
Similarly, the National Human Rights Coordinating Committee and more than 150 social organizations launched the document Consensus for Human Rights, a roadmap for the 2026 elections. The document is divided into seven thematic areas: Institutional and Political Reforms; Justice, Security and Memory; Defence and Expansion of Civic Space and Rights of Indigenous and Afro-Peruvian Peoples. It also covers Environmental Justice and the Right to Water; Real Equality and a Life Free from Violence; and Real Care and Support for Vulnerable Populations.
It is against this dark and uncertain backdrop that the general elections in April and the regional elections in October 2026 will take place. While, on the one hand, criminal forces conspire to continue exploiting power, on the other, citizens are making efforts to reverse the situation under the most difficult conditions.
Jorge Agurto is a social communicator and journalist who is essentially self-taught. His identity and roots lie in the town of Sechura, on the northern coast of Peru. He is founder of the non-profit civil association Servicios en Comunicación Intercultural Servindi, an entity specializing in Indigenous, environmental, human rights and climate crisis issues.
Contact: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
This article is part of the 40th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. Find The Indigenous World 2026 in full here
Notes and references
[1] Peru is classified as a “hybrid regime” in The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index 2024, ranking 78th globally. This setback, which began after the political crisis of 2022, reflects a deteriorating political culture, high instability and a mix of democratic institutions with authoritarian tendencies. See: https://www.eiu.com/n/campaigns/democracy-index-2024/
[2] Jaime Dupuy. “El futuro del Perú en riesgo: economías ilegales y la desviación del modelo amenazar nuestro proceso”. ComexPeru, 20 September 2024. https://www.comexperu.org.pe/articulo/el-futuro-del-peru-en-riesgo-economias-ilegales-y-la-desviacion-del-modelo-amenazan-nuestro-progreso
[3] CEPLAN Observatory. Fortalecimiento de las economías ilegales. CEPLAN, 2024..: https://observatorio.ceplan.gob.pe/ficha/r65_2024
[4] Cited in:
Yvette Sierra Praeli. “Desafíos ambientales de Perú en 2026: frenar la minería ilegal y el crimen organizado en un año electoral”. Mongabay, 5 January 2026. https://es.mongabay.com/2026/01/desafios-ambientales-de-peru-en-2026-frenar-la-mineria-ilegal-y-el-crimen-organizado-en-un-ano-electoral/
[5] Indigenous Peoples Working Group of the CNDDHH. Censos 2025. ¿Una oportunidad perdida para el reconocimiento de los Pueblos Indígenas? Indigenous Peoples Working Group of the CNDDDHH. https://acortar.link/xkakDq
[6] Oscar García Meza. “Tejiendo ciudadanía: un diálogo colectivo para el Perú democrático que queremos”. Puntoedu, 30 January 2026. https://puntoedu.pucp.edu.pe/vida-universitaria/institucional/tejiendo-ciudadania-un-dialogo-colectivo-para-el-peru-democratico-elecciones-2026/
Tags: Land rights, Human rights, Indigenous Peoples Human Rights Defenders
