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Nine Years of Autonomy: The Wampís Nation’s Process of Rebuilding Self-Government

BY SHAPIOM NONINGO FOR INDIGENOUS DEBATES

Since 2015, the Autonomous Territorial Government of the Wampís Nation (GTANW) has built a distinctive model of self-determination in the Peruvian Amazon. In a context marked by external threats, state bureaucracy and extractive encroachment, the Wampís Nation has pursued a strategy of resistance, community-based governance and diplomacy to protect its territory, identity and way of life.

The Wampís Nation is located in north-eastern Peru, in the Río Santiago (Kanus) and Morona (Kankaim) Districts. Covering more than 1.3 million hectares, the Wampís people exercise autonomy rooted in ancestral occupation and their own vision of territorial governance. This autonomy was formalised in 2015 with the establishment of the GTANW and the adoption of its Statute.

The Wampís share historical and cultural roots with other peoples in the Jivaron language family, including the Shuar, Awajún, and Achuar. Since the mid-20th century, they began organising themselves into nucleated communities and, later, into federations such as the Aguaruna and Huambisa Council (CAH), laying the groundwork for a broader strategy of territorial recovery that would eventually culminate in today’s autonomy project.

The GTANW did not emerge in isolation, but from a long process of struggle, deliberation and organisational building. Over decades, Wampís communities have voiced their frustration with the limitations of the Native Community model and began to develop more holistic understandings of territory, identity and self-government. The creation of the GTANW thus stands as a collective affirmation of historical continuity and as a response to the legal vacuum left by the Peruvian state.

Historical Origins of the Wampís Territorial Struggle

The history of Wampís self-government did not begin in 2015. For centuries, this Amazonian nation has defended its territory against a wide range of actors. Their autonomy is rooted in a long-standing tradition of resistance — against the Incas, colonisers, rubber barons, Andean settlers, invaders and state authorities. Territorial defence has been a constant throughout their history.

In the mid-20th century, Wampís families began forming nucleated communities, driven mainly by the pursuit of access to education. It was during this period that the “Native Community” model was introduced, promoted by the 1974 Native Communities Law. While the law recognised collective land ownership, it also fragmented their ancestral territory.

In this context, the Aguaruna and Huambisa Council (CAH) was established in 1976 to represent both the Awajún and the Wampís peoples. From that point on, territorial claims became a shared priority for both nations. As the initial land titles failed to cover the full extent of their ancestral territories, they began to demand a comprehensive communal reserve— a demand that was never fulfilled by the state.

This longstanding frustration led Wampís communities to propose a more ambitious strategy: to rebuild their autonomy from the ground up, rooted in their territory and culture. The formation of the GTANW was thus the result of decades of organisation, community-based experience, technical studies and cultural affirmation. It also represented a clear response to the limitations of the state-imposed model.

Consolidating Autonomy: Organisation, Assessment and Capacity Building

Since its establishment, the GTANW has embarked on a comprehensive process of territorial planning and implementation. It has conducted legal analyses, cultural mapping, and boundary agreements with neighbouring peoples. Concurrently, it has initiated participatory assessments addressing health, education, youth, women, and territorial issues. From these findings, five priority areas were identified: education, health, economy, communications, and biodiversity.

A standout initiative is the Sharian Leadership School, which has trained dozens of young people from the Kanús and Kankaim communities in political leadership, history, and Indigenous rights. Additionally, seven workshops for community communicators have been delivered, strengthening the GTANW’s communication platforms, including Radio Tuntui, the Nakumak newspaper, its website, and social media channels. These tools have been crucial in raising the profile of the Wampís Nation’s autonomous agenda, articulated in their own voice.

Another key milestone has been the creation of an autonomous census, which enabled the correction of omissions in the national census and provided an updated and accurate count of the population. At the same time, the territorial zoning process—rooted in cultural and Indigenous perspectives—has identified areas of traditional use, sacred sites, conservation zones, and productive spaces. This technical work is closely linked to management plans that revive ancestral knowledge and promote a sustainable economy based on the forest.

Furthermore, important documents such as the Community Coexistence Code and the Wampís Penal Code have been drafted and are currently under deliberation in the assemblies. These codes aim to reinforce Indigenous justice and internal mechanisms for conflict resolution. Their development showcases the GTANW’s legislative capacity and the depth of the autonomy process.

Facing Threats: Gold, Timber, Block 64 and State Expropriation

The Wampís Nation has faced multiple external threats: the fragmentation of their communities, illegal gold mining and timber extraction, state attempts to classify Kampankias Hill, and oil concessions granted without prior consultation. In response, the Wampís have taken legal action, filed complaints, forged alliances with organisations such as the Federation of the Achuar Nationality of Peru (FENAP), and established environmental monitoring through the Charip socio-environmental control group (charip means “lightning” in Wampís), comprised of volunteers trained in territorial surveillance.

A major conflict arose with the Colombian company Geopark, specialised in oil and gas exploration and production, which sought to operate Block 64 within Kankaim territory. During the pandemic, the company entered the area accompanied by the military, triggering a strong community backlash and a robust legal challenge due to lack of prior consultation. Ultimately, Geopark withdrew, but the threat remains as Petroperú continues seeking partners to develop the block.

Regarding illegal mining, the GTANW has confronted attempts to extract gold using dredges in areas such as Pastacillo. This activity not only contaminates the water with mercury, posing a serious risk to the health of local residents, but also undermines social cohesion. There have also been direct threats against community leaders, including Pamuk (highest authority) Wrays Pérez. In response, the State issued protection measures that have yet to be effectively enforced.

Finally, in response to the State’s plan to designate Kampankias Hill as a Protected Area, the GTANW has maintained that the site is sacred territory for the Wampís Nation and warned the government that accepting this classification would amount to indirect expropriation. Consequently, they have documented their ancestral land use and conducted advocacy at both national and international levels.

Diplomacy from the Territory and Continental Projection

Wampís autonomy is also exercised through diplomacy. The GTANW has forged alliances with regional governments, universities, national and international NGOs (such as IWGIA, Nia Tero, Amazon Watch), embassies (including those of the United Kingdom, Sweden and Spain), and international bodies such as the United Nations Permanent Forum and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

These alliances have not only helped to raise awareness of their struggle, but have also provided access to technical support, logistical resources and political backing. For instance, the GTANW has secured de facto recognition from some regional governments through local ordinances. On the international stage, they have submitted reports and official documents to the UN and the Organization of American States.

Additionally, they have shared their experience with other autonomous movements in Peru, including the Awajún, Chapra, Achuar, Shawi, and Shipibo peoples. This emerging network of autonomous territorial governments strengthens a collective vision of Indigenous self-determination, facilitating the exchange of methodologies, strategies, and joint defence efforts.

The Wampís experience demonstrates that self-government is achievable through connection to territory and collective memory. Despite a State that continues to withhold formal legal recognition of Indigenous nations, the GTANW has forged its own path, delivering tangible results and gaining international recognition. In response to extractive and health-related threats, the GTANW has successfully coordinated with public institutions and cooperating organisations. This collaboration has allowed them to sustain practical autonomy beyond the absence of formal legal status.

A Model for Other Indigenous Autonomies

The experience of the GTANW is not an isolated case. In recent years, at least a dozen Amazonian peoples have embarked on similar processes of self-determination. Some already have autonomous governments in operation, such as the Chapra, Shawi and Shipibo-Conibo. Others are in the stages of territorial demarcation or drafting statutes. These processes represent a new phase in the Amazonian Indigenous movement.

Beyond the struggle for land titles, Amazonian peoples are calling for a reorganisation of territorial power and recognition as collective legal subjects. From an Indigenous governance perspective, autonomous territorial governments combine customary law, spirituality, territorial planning and legal strategies. This combination enables them to maintain practical territorial management, even without formal recognition by the State.

The Autonomous Government of the Wampís Nation serves as a reference model due to its internal legitimacy, institutional continuity and capacity for influence. This Amazonian nation has shown that self-government is not merely a symbolic aspiration, but a reality under construction. With concrete results and a clear political horizon, their experience challenges the Peruvian State and offers inspiration to other peoples striving for autonomy and dignity.

Shapiom Noningo is Technical Secretary of the GTANW.

Cover photo: The GTANW governs in accordance with international norms, ensuring effective control and administration of its territory. Photo: Pablo Lasansky

Tags: Indigenous Debates

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