The Indigenous World 2025: Editorial
Indigenous youth: holding the light of activism
Many Indigenous youth around the world are involved and engaged in the Indigenous movement and struggles at different levels. They organize themselves and act peacefully through their words and actions and, while doing so, recognize and honour the hard work and struggle of generations passed. This year’s edition of The Indigenous World takes a closer look at Indigenous youth.
This sentiment was powerfully stated in the article in this book on the Global Indigenous Youth Caucus, written by one of the co-chairs, Katunta Conde:
From the heart of our land and territories to the UN rooms and halls of global decision-making, we, Indigenous youth, are fighting for our rights as Indigenous Peoples. Our voices are increasingly being heard … Nonetheless, it is crucial to remember that international forums have not been opened without the strength and work of those behind us … Indigenous youth are active, loud, and together form a dynamic movement; and we are demanding a seat at the table.
This article is part of the 39th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here
In April 2024, the 23rd Session of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) centred its annual theme on “Enhancing Indigenous Peoples’ right to self-determination in the context of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: emphasizing the voices of Indigenous youth.” The theme promoted the views and experiences of youth and was recognition that Indigenous youth must be involved if we are to create a more just and sustainable future. The UNPFII also highlighted the growing leadership of Indigenous youth in tackling the pressing challenges of our time.
As Indigenous youth is the editorial focus of this year’s edition of The Indigenous World, several of our authors also wrote specifically about Indigenous youth in the various countries and processes. The following are some examples of their analysis.
In Brazil, Indigenous youth participation in political and social movements has grown significantly in recent years. Many Indigenous youth have used social media as a tool of resistance, promoting awareness campaigns and digital engagement. This digital activism reinforces the reporting of rights violations and increases the visibility of the Indigenous struggle in Brazil and around the world. This new generation has positioned itself at the forefront of defending Indigenous rights, cultural revival and the occupation of previously inaccessible political and academic spaces.
In Cameroon, over the past 15 years, Indigenous youth have played a pivotal role in advocating for Indigenous rights and, currently, approximately 60% of Indigenous organizations are led by Indigenous youth, who actively participate in national and international forums.
2024 also saw the rise of Bedouin youth as vocal advocates for Indigenous rights in the Negev/Naqab. They have been central in mobilizing their communities through peaceful protest, digital campaigning and collaborating with international NGOs to draw attention to their issues, such as forced displacement, and the barriers they face to proper education infrastructure and healthcare access.
In a striking story that went around the world, there was a strong demonstration of the empowerment of Māori youth when Aotearoa’s youngest member of parliament, Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, tore up the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill in parliament and performed a haka (ceremonial dance) denouncing it.
In Norway, the trial against 18 youth human rights defenders from both Sámi and non-Indigenous communities was another act of Indigenous youth leadership and advocacy that drew global attention in 2024. These youth, alongside many others, staged a sit-in in 2023 protesting at how the Fosen ruling in favour of the affected Sámi community was being handled. All 18 activists were eventually acquitted but the prosecutor appealed the decision in 13 of the cases. These 13 were again acquitted in the Court of Appeal but, in 2025, the prosecutor decided to once again appeal and has taken the case to the Supreme Court of Norway. This is the same court that ruled in favour of the Sámi community when facing human rights violations from the wind energy companies that had placed windmills on their traditional lands.
Indigenous youth are on the frontline, leading protests against governance failures, economic inequality, and unemployment, as well as against large-scale development projects and extractive industries that are harming the environment and biodiversity, leading to the deterioration of Indigenous (ancestral) lands, forests and rivers.
As Indigenous youth, we are the frontline advocates for our lands and cultures. It’s time that resources flow directly to us, so we can lead the way in protecting our futures, without being filtered through intermediaries. We know our needs, and we should be the ones making the decisions. – Sabha Rani Maharjan, Youth Federation of Indigenous Nationalities in Nepal
In Kenya, in 2024, the youth, empowered by social media, mobilized widespread protests demanding greater government transparency and economic and electoral reform. Across India, Indigenous youth are emerging as the leading voices in the struggle to secure Indigenous rights, as evidenced by Indigenous youth leaders mobilizing widespread opposition to resist the large-scale hydropower projects that threaten the displacement of thousands.
Indigenous youth, such as in the example already mentioned from Brazil, are taking to new technologies and interventions to push for their rights.
In Malaysia, youth-led initiatives, including short films, digital storytelling and social media, are becoming essential in community struggles and raising awareness as they adapt to digital platforms to address identity, land and education issues. These efforts have also bridged generational gaps, creating spaces for intergenerational knowledge transfer. While elders possess Indigenous knowledge, youth are utilizing their technical expertise and creativity to ensure these practices remain relevant and visible in today’s world. While these efforts are proving to be effective, youth frequently describe their efforts as akin to grasping at straws, balancing the weight of their ancestors’ legacy while navigating modern obstacles. These sentiments underscore the need for sustained support and solidarity to ensure their resilience and continued advocacy.
Indigenous youth continue to feel invisible
Despite their activism, Indigenous youth can also feel invisible as they are left out of their own communities’ decision-making spaces and processes or are not present in national forums and bodies. Further, in some cases there is simply a scarcity of information about Indigenous youth in general or the concept of youth does not exist.
This is the case in Costa Rica where there is a continued absence of Indigenous youth in government institutions, something the author of that article describes as “evident, regrettable and worrying”.
As the author of the Nepal article noted: “Indigenous youth are the bridge between past and future generations. If the younger generation do not get knowledge from their elders it will end with the end of elders.”
Intergenerational dialogue is a key element not only in transferring ancestral knowledge but also for youth to strengthen their capacity to organize themselves. While youth have the strength, elders have the knowledge and this intergenerational dialogue is crucial as elders and youth can both benefit from mutual exchanging and learning.
Generational clashes and scepticism about mainstream education and city life could, however, lead to a lack of trust in young people’s capacity to take leadership. Elders often have the power and the word, and it could be difficult for young people to take a position, to have the freedom to speak on their own and take leadership. In interviews conducted by IWGIA with Indigenous youth,[1] and in articles in this book, some expressed a lack of participation in decision-making spaces and processes within their communities and said they experience a clash between education and traditional knowledge. Elders and other community members often only trust traditional knowledge and practices, making it difficult for young people to reintegrate into their communities after studying and working outside.
But youth are important in the communities. When young people participate in collective work, they contribute to the future of the community while learning about ancestral practices and knowledge and they are empowered. It also serves as a means and tool with which to fight for their territory and collective rights as Indigenous Peoples.
In Guatemala, Indigenous youth became increasingly involved in community and national politics in 2024. More communities are choosing to appoint young people with higher levels of education to important positions, such as mayor or general secretary, where they can effectively contribute to the struggle for land defence, cultural preservation and for their own organization as a movement and community.
Increasing pressure to migrate
Not all youth stay within their communities, and some migrate to urban areas for better access to basic services, such as health and education, but also in search of employment opportunities. Of those who migrate, not all return to their communities. This is for different reasons, such as the scarcity of land due to historical displacement, or a lack of work opportunities. While living in cities, Indigenous youth often experience discrimination, exclusion, and exploitation from the surrounding society.
Despite the increased involvement of youth in Guatemala, as described above, they have also been forced to migrate to urban centres in the country or take long and risky journeys to other countries, such as the USA. Not only is this resulting in a loss of cultural identity, language and ancestral knowledge it leaves them vulnerable to illicit activities and violence, including becoming victims of human trafficking or being forced to join gangs or participate in drug trafficking.
In Tunisia, the policy of forced assimilation and displacement of the Amazigh has left nearly all their traditional territories empty. The youth thus see their only means of survival in cities or abroad. In Thailand, some Indigenous youth do not have citizenship, thus limiting their access to basic services, including the ability to access government loans for education. In Myanmar, the new “conscription law” has led to the migration of Indigenous youth to neighbouring countries. Many of those not able to migrate have been forced to abandon their educational pursuits or careers to serve in the military, against their will under harsh conditions. Indigenous youth in Eritrea have faced some of the same concerns and live in constant fear of mass round-ups of youth for forcible conscription into the military. Those who attempt to avoid and escape this are often detained and tortured. In Nicaragua, Indigenous youth are also being forced into military training, causing many to go into hiding.
Indigenous youth and defenders at the forefront of human rights violations and attacks
Youth, who are often on the frontline of protecting their communities, protesting against government policy, and halting infrastructure projects, are also victims of violence for their advocacy.
In India, several youth activists were surrounded by a mob of more than 100 people as they were collecting testimonies from families who had been evicted from their land and homes to make way for a proposed five-star hotel near Kaziranga National Park in Assam. In another case, over 150 Indigenous youth had criminal charges filed against them for organizing protests demanding accountability and improved working conditions in a cement factory after an Indigenous person died at the factory. Youth leaders in Arunachal Pradesh were arbitrarily detained for organizing a peaceful protest. They were held for 10 hours and coerced into signing papers that restricted their participation in future protests.
In Nicaragua, Indigenous youth often face violence at the hands of settlers who act with impunity. In one Indigenous territory alone, 20 Indigenous youths were killed between 2020 and 2024. In 2024, in other parts of the country, a 26-year-old Mayangna Indigenous leader was tortured and killed for resisting a settler invasion. Several Miskito youths were also killed. None of the cases are being investigated. Settlers also kidnap Indigenous girls as a form of control and dominance and, in some cases, they are sexually abused and raped so that settlers can settle on Indigenous land by obtaining land rights through having children with the kidnapped girls.
Indigenous girls also fall victim to human trafficking. In Laos, in 2024, 46 human trafficking cases were reported, which included the trafficking of 40 girls under the age of 18. In Bangladesh, violence against Indigenous women and girls remains a persistent concern. In 2024, a Bangladesh-based human rights organization documented 17 cases of violence against Indigenous women and girls. In most cases, no action was taken by the authorities, or their actions were inadequate or delayed.
Indigenous youth are not the only ones who suffer human rights violations for protecting their lands, territories and resources. Harassment, arbitrary arrest, torture, death in police custody, and killings are just some of the daily realities Indigenous Peoples face and, in some places, this norm is increasing.
In the Philippines, for example, 73 human rights violations were documented, experienced by nearly a quarter of a million Indigenous persons. This marks a 428% increase in human rights violations since the beginning of President Marcos Jr.’s term in mid-2022. In Brazil, between 2022 and 2024, 38 Indigenous persons were killed, many of them Guarani-Kaiowá, over land disputes and armed attacks. Recent reports indicate that the numbers in 2024 may be even higher.
In Bangladesh, 200 human rights violations took place in 2024 in the Chittagong Hill Tracts alone, affecting more than 6,000 Indigenous persons. Of these, at least 21 were killed and over 140 were arbitrarily detained. Further, over 120 houses, shops, offices and temples belonging to Indigenous Peoples were looted and set on fire, and over 2,300 acres of land were grabbed by various actors. This is all happening against the backdrop of an interim government put in place after serious protests that ousted the government. The interim government has been tasked with making several reforms to the government and its institutions and, while in the beginning there was some hope that Indigenous Peoples would have a seat at the table of the various reform commissions, unfortunately this was not the case. Indigenous Peoples remain significantly underrepresented in the key commissions that directly affect their rights and the rights of other minority groups. There are still no Indigenous representatives in the Constitutional Reform Commission or the Electoral Reform Commission, for example.
In response to months of peaceful and non-violent protests in Kanaky against, amongst others, electoral reform, the French government passed the reform. Frustration led to riots and the French government deployed 7,000 soldiers to the territory and declared a state of emergency wherein many basic rights were curtailed. There were numerous reports of an excessive use of force, violence towards Kanak human rights defenders, and a large number of arbitrary arrests and detentions. Eleven of the human rights defenders were charged with organized crime and criminal conspiracy and seven of them were deported to mainland France.
In the Negev/Naqab region, two Bedouin villages – Wadi al-Khalil and Umm al-Hiran – have basically been erased by the Israeli authorities. In Wadi al-Khalil, 47 homes were demolished leading to the forced eviction of over 300 residents and, in November 2024, the village of Umm al-Hiran was completely demolished to make room for a new religious Jewish settlement. Overall, in 2024, nearly 5,000 homes and buildings were demolished in the area, exacerbating the displacement and marginalization of Bedouin.
The desire to take over Indigenous lands by any means necessary, including the removal of people and villages, is sadly a far too common daily reality for Indigenous Peoples across the world.
Defending lands and forests against powerful forces
2024 was a year like many others, wherein business enterprises and infrastructure projects gave the impetus for authorities and other actors to fell forests, evict people and marginalize populations further.
In Botswana, San people living in small communities of 500 or less are now being designated by local officials as “squatters”, meaning that they no longer have access to government services and are denied land rights, including burial rights to bury their own people in their own cemeteries.
In Indonesia, the government continues to move forward with its grand plan of building and moving the nation’s capital. The land rights of the 51 Indigenous communities currently living in the area are not being respected. are not only at serious risk of being forcibly displaced but also of becoming extinct. Further, a revision of the law for the construction of the capital grants privileges to the State to appropriate and monopolize these Indigenous lands with concessions and licences that can last up to 190 years. This policy of land appropriation is running rampant in the country. In 2024, alone, at least 121 cases of land appropriation were recorded totalling over 2.8 million hectares and affecting 140 Indigenous communities.
Indigenous rights were violated by a hydropower project in Nepal in a litany of alleged crimes that include accusations of forging signatures, signing children’s names on contracts, creating false reports and bulldozing through farmlands under cover of night. The three affected Indigenous Peoples have taken this to court and are hoping for an order to stop the activities.
The appropriation of land does not stop at business interests; it also includes the creation or expansion of conservation areas or national parks. These areas continually deny Indigenous Peoples’ rights to their land and their ways of living, including using the land for the cultivation of food and medicines, herding and grazing of animals and simply living on the land that has been theirs for generations.
According to leaked plans by the Tanzanian government, they intend to alienate more than 70% of all Maasai districts with the aim of creating Game Reserves and Game Controlled Areas. This project will impact nearly 400,000 Indigenous people across 90 villages. Further, the Tanzanian Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism published its revised strategy (2023-2033), which included 47 different actors in its stakeholder analysis, none of which were Indigenous. In this new strategy, there is a list of proposed Wildlife Management Areas, including one planned in Loliondo that will continue to threaten the existence of Maasai. The strategy further does not include Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) or mention community-based conservation; rather it ignores the rights of Indigenous Peoples at the expense of attracting more tourism. This lack of FPIC and forced evictions continues to be a dominant tactic of the authorities but is one they officially deny even in their official response to the World Heritage Committee, who have officially reported their deep concerns over the multiple and continuous human rights violations being perpetrated in Ngorongoro.
Further north, in Morocco, the government aims to demarcate over 100,000 hectares of Indigenous land to create a national park on the western side of the Anti-Atlas Mountains. The Amazigh have rejected this plan as it will deprive them of their land, lead to forced displacement, and will exploit their resources.
In India, if the 2024 order issued by the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) is implemented it will lead to the forcible eviction of nearly 90,000 Indigenous people in over 800 villages, sparking one of the largest forced displacements in the name of conservation in the country. This would also go against legal safeguards provided to Indigenous people in the Wildlife (Protection) Act (1972) and Forest Rights Act (2006). Indigenous people who live in forests, which serve as a cornerstone of their culture and livelihood, are often penalized through unaffordable and multiple fines for using and living in their ancestral lands. In a small reprieve, perhaps, in the state of Odisha, the government has ordered the withdrawal of over 48,000 of these petty cases.
The issue remains that Indigenous Peoples, who have lived on and with their lands for centuries, are often the ones who know how best to manage the lands. However, when other actors come in without listening to or respecting Indigenous rights, knowledge and expertise, the human rights and environmental impacts increase.
Extensive logging in Malaysia has exacerbated soil erosion and flash flooding, contaminating water sources essential to Orang Asli communities. The same is happening in the Upper Baram Forest Area, which was once an Indigenous-led conservation area but where logging concessions and a lack of transparency are now undermining efforts to sustainably manage nearly 300,000 hectares of forest and agricultural land. Indigenous leaders continue to fight for the revival of their conservation methods and for more involvement of Indigenous Peoples in forest management and governance. Rare earth mining for the green transition and carbon credits are also both being framed as climate change mitigation solutions and are emerging as a significant concern for Indigenous Peoples as they are threatening ecosystems and displacing communities.
A just transition can only happen with Indigenous Peoples on an equal footing
The global transition to a green economy is accelerating, driven by the urgent need to reduce carbon emissions and combat climate change. This transition is not occurring in a vacuum, however; it has profound implications for Indigenous Peoples, whose lands and livelihoods are increasingly targeted for resource extraction and renewable energy projects. Renewable energy, electric vehicles, and “green” mining are being promoted as solutions to the climate crisis. If history repeats itself, these industries will expand at the expense of Indigenous rights, lands, and sovereignty.
Indigenous Peoples are not opposed to the “green transition” per se but state that it needs to be just. In fact, there are significant opportunities for Indigenous Peoples to lead and shape a just transition. Many Indigenous communities possess an extensive, intergenerational knowledge system regarding their lands and, by applying sustainable practices, they effectively preserve biodiversity and maintain ecosystem health. By acknowledging and incorporating Indigenous knowledge systems and perspectives, the global community can leverage time-tested methods for effective and sustainable resource and land management.
This was why, in October 2024, the Just Transition: Indigenous Peoples’ Perspectives, Knowledge and Lived Experiences Summit was held. Indigenous delegations from all seven socio-cultural regions came together to address the pressing question: How do we ensure the green economy does not become another chapter of exploitation but instead a turning point for justice? The concept of a just transition, broadly defined, aims to ensure that the shift away from fossil fuels does not exacerbate social inequalities. Yet, for Indigenous communities, the reality is that the green transition often mirrors past injustices.
This could not come at a more opportune time as green energy initiatives and climate change mitigation measures continue to draw more attention from governments and business enterprises, holding such measures at the highest priority regardless of the related cost.
In the Philippines, the Marcos Jr. administration is capitalizing on this, making the creation and operation of renewable energy and large-scale mining projects easier to undertake. Marcos Jr. claims that climate change and natural disasters are one of the reasons why the country should fast-track such projects, putting them in direct conflict with Indigenous Peoples. The Department of Energy has recorded a total of nearly 1,500 renewable energy project applications, leading the country to become known as the second most attractive emerging market for renewable energy projects in 2024. Of these projects, a high concentration of hydropower projects is planned for the Cordillera Region, where 109 hydropower, five geothermal, three solar and two wind energy projects are proposed. Many of these projects each cover thousands of hectares of land and threaten the existence of the Indigenous people currently living there.
Similarly, in China, hydropower projects are also being implemented in growing numbers. At the end of 2024, the government approved the construction of a hydropower project on the Yarlung Zangbo River, which will become the world’s largest hydropower dam and cause the displacement of countless Indigenous communities, with consequences for Indigenous Peoples living downstream in India and Bangladesh. The authorities have not provided any transparency around the project, not even an environmental and social impact assessment, although they claim there would be no significant impacts. And the once shelved Tiger Leaping Gorge Dam in the Naxi homelands has, nearly 20 years later, been reopened by the government. This project would potentially forcibly displace a significantly higher number of Indigenous people and others than the originally estimated 100,000 persons.
As part of the key results of the Just Transition Indigenous Summit, Indigenous Peoples want not only to secure a seat at the decision-making table but also to play a leading role in shaping a just transition. This requires moving beyond consultation and toward genuine leadership, where Indigenous rights and knowledge are used as foundational pillars of the green economy. This takes on even more importance given that the world passed the 1.5 degree Celsius threshold in 2024, the first year this has happened. It is incumbent upon all of us to find solutions to the effects of climate change but they must be done with the real and authentic inclusion of Indigenous Peoples.
The effects of climate change are already being felt in many countries around the world, and particularly by Indigenous Peoples who, despite having contributed the least to climate change, are among the first to face its direct effects.
By the end of October 2024 when the rains finally arrived, Bolivia had suffered its most catastrophic year of forest fires with over 12 million hectares affected. By the first week of October, there had been 9.8 million fires raging in the country, 61% of which were concentrated in forested areas. In Brazil, fires destroyed more than 4,000 hectares of forest, coupled with a prolonged drought that lowered rivers.
Not only do such events threaten Indigenous Peoples and their ways of life but the loss of their lands in this manner has a dangerous effect on the climate as Indigenous lands play a critical role in mitigating climate change. In Brazil, the areas affected by drought and fire are home to 25% of the world’s preserved tropical forests, which store large amounts of carbon. Illegal mining and monoculture farming represent constant threats to these lands, however.
Countries in Africa also continue to suffer from droughts. Namibia is suffering its worst drought in a century whereby hundreds of animals are having to be culled to feed the hungry as over 330,000 people are registered in the drought relief programme. A quarter of them belong to marginalized communities. The drought in Zimbabwe has reached such a magnitude that some 6 million people are suffering from insufficient food. In the Amazigh territory of Nafusa in Libya, verdant fields of figs, olives and almonds that were prosperous just 20 years ago are now barren, leaving farmers in dire straits.
In an extreme case of the effects of climate change, in the autumn of 2024, the last residents of Newtok moved to the new village site of Mertarvik in Alaska. Newtook is one of the many Alaska Native villages that need to be evacuated due to the damaging effects of climate change. Two further villages will probably be next but one of the new designated village sites is also proving vulnerable to the climate crisis.
The power of continuous, collective action
Despite all the violations, attacks, evictions, land loss, and climate change effects, Indigenous Peoples around the world were, however, also able to celebrate quite a few victories in 2024. By continuously standing up for their rights, understanding national and international law, gathering various groups together for collective action, and never letting their spirit break, Indigenous Peoples successfully stopped infrastructure projects, protected their lands, secured rights in national and international laws and processes, took positions of power, and more.
Indigenous governments were successful in protecting their lands in different ways.
In Peru, in the north of the Amazon, the Autonomous Territorial Government of the Wampis Nation (GTANW) and their territory is constantly threatened by illegal mining and logging operations. However, thanks to its self-defence strategies, the GTANW has been able to patrol their territory and rivers, tracking these illegal operations, expelling and evicting illegal miners, loggers and gold extractors from their lands, including arresting members of the National Police involved in these illegal operations and handing them over to State authorities. Their strong surveillance methods have also led to the seizure of munitions linked to criminal operations involved in illegal mining.
In Bolivia, the Autonomous Indigenous governments of the Multiethnic Indigenous Territory (TIM) legally approved the creation of the Loma Santa Conservation Area, almost 200,000 hectares in size. This is not only significant as it put the management and protection of the area in the hands of the Indigenous Peoples who have lived with and managed the land for centuries but it is also the first conservation area established and defined by an Indigenous government. As such, the Loma Santa is administered by traditional authorities and the Indigenous government, according to their own rules and procedures, and will protect the flora and fauna of the area, as well as the headwaters of the rivers that cross the communities of the TIM.
After years of negotiation, the Nunavut Lands and Resources Devolution Agreement was formally signed in 2024 between Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. and the governments of Canada and Nunavut. This historic agreement gives Inuit decision-making power over public lands, non-renewable resources and freshwater and marks the largest land transfer in Canadian history. This will now mean that Nunavut Inuit will be able to decide their own development and conservation strategies for their own lands, resources and territories, while stimulating their own economy and creating more opportunities for employment and training.
On an international level, several new policies and laws will also help lay the foundations for Indigenous Peoples to use in their advocacy and rights protections.
The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) adopted General recommendation No. 40 on the equal and inclusive representation of women in decision-making systems, which specifically acknowledges the intersectional discrimination faced by Indigenous women and the value they possess with their traditional knowledge. It identified seven pillars of equal and inclusive representation of women in decision-making systems and noted corresponding States obligations to achieve gender parity and inclusion in decision-making at all levels. This also includes within the UN system.
There were also significant wins on the intellectual property front for Indigenous Peoples.
In 2024, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) adopted an historic new treaty – the Treaty on Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources and Associated Traditional Knowledge – marking the first WIPO treaty to reference Indigenous Peoples. The treaty, which was adopted by consensus by Member States, includes a mandatory disclosure agreement under Article 3 that requires patent applicants to disclose the country of origin of genetic resources and/or Indigenous Peoples providing associated traditional knowledge when a patent application is submitted for an invention that is based on those resources and/or knowledge. As of the end of 2024, 38 Member States had signed the treaty and Malawi had ratified it. The treaty will come into force once 15 parties have ratified it.
There was another win for Indigenous Peoples at WIPO in the Riyadh Design Law Treaty, Article 4(2) of which requires the disclosure of traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions in a design application. As of the end of 2024, 18 Member States had signed the treaty but none had ratified.
These types of decisions were also seen on a national level, with Australia and Cameroon tabling laws and regulations to protect Indigenous intellectual property. In Australia, the Australian Law Council published a new legislative framework recognizing the importance of Indigenous cultural heritage. It addresses the limitation of current legislation that conflicts with Indigenous customary laws, including communal ownership and oral traditions, and aims to ensure self-determination of tangible and intangible cultural heritage. In Cameroon, regulations for the law governing access to genetic resources, their derivatives and the traditional knowledge associated with them, came into force in 2024. These new regulations cover several facets related to genetic resources, including conditions of access, mutually agreed terms and access and benefit-sharing permits. There have already been research permits signed with Indigenous communities, some of which have already received monetary benefits at the research stage. Of course, there is still a need to monitor these agreements and the use of the law to ensure communities are not manipulated by disingenuous researchers.
At the national and local levels, advocacy efforts, including the use of courts, protests and collective action, continue to net positive results in several places.
In Kenya, courts continue to be the main arena for land rights advocacy. In the case of Kochale vs. County Government of Marsabit, the Rendille community challenged the county government for allocating land to external investors without meaningful consultation with the Indigenous communities who have traditionally occupied and used the land for generations. The court ruled in their favour, thus setting a precedent that community land tenure must be respected and, without following constitutional and statutory obligations, land allocation could be rendered null and void.
In Tanzania, over 25,0000 Maasai in Ngorongoro blocked the country’s busiest tourism road for six days to protest the continuous, systemic violations of their human rights, demanding that the government seriously listen to their demands. This mass pressure made the authorities listen and promises were made to reinstate social services, put a halt to the harassment of villagers by rangers, and reverse the illegal decision of deregistering 11 wards, 25 villages and 96 hamlets, meaning that residents can once again participate in elections and other local-level decisions that affect their daily lives.
These grassroot movements show the power and resilience of continuous, collective action, which has not only restored local governance but strengthened Indigenous Peoples’ agency, building their confidence and courage.
Infrastructure projects have also been halted through the collective efforts of Indigenous Peoples and the use of judicial acumen. In Malaysia, a court ruled against a mini-hydro dam project due to the failure of the developers to secure the FPIC of the Orang Asli communities affected. The communities were also compensated for the destruction of their ancestral grave sites and trees.
In the USA, the Hualapai Tribe secured a restraining order and preliminary injunction against the further development of a lithium project that threatens a sacred site in Arizona. In Oklahoma, a federal judge ruled that Enel Energy must dismantle a wind farm built on Osage Nation lands. The company never received a mining lease from the Osage Nation who argued that building the foundations for the 84 wind turbines constituted mining, which the judge agreed with. The farm must be dismantled within a year. On the west coast, in California and Oregon, the last of four hydroelectric power dams were finally removed. A month later, spawning salmon were observed upstream again.
Conclusion
Indigenous Peoples prove, time and time again, that against all odds and powerful forces, they are a powerful force themselves.
The reports in this year’s edition of The Indigenous World show that the obstacles Indigenous Peoples face in the protection of their rights, lands, resources, territories and dignity are increasing. This will continue to become difficult as so many paradigms are shifting globally in the wrong direction, away from freedoms, respect and inclusion.
And yet Indigenous Peoples’ collective strategies and power are also increasing, and the resourcefulness, adaptability, and energy of Indigenous youth are an illustration of the powerful next generation of activism that will carry this forward.
As Kantuta Conde put it in the conclusion to the article on the Global Indigenous Youth Caucus:
Indigenous youth are not waiting for the world to catch up. Through the GIYC and various Indigenous youth organizations, we are ensuring that Indigenous voices remain central in global policy discussions. From advocating for climate justice to securing land rights, Indigenous youth are leading the change for transformative change. As we continue to push for the collective right to self-determination and meaningful inclusion, we are shaping the future of global decision-making and ensuring our rightful place in the movement for a just and sustainable world.
We must all work and fight together, using the whole range of skills, knowledge, experience and solidarity in order to collectively keep the pressure and hold the light.
Dwayne Mamo
General Editor
Ena Alvarado Madsen
Indigenous Youth Focal Point
Kathrin Wessendorf
Executive Director
Copenhagen, March 2025
This article is part of the 39th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous activist Funa-ay Claver, a Bontok Igorot, standing alongside Indigenous youth activists and others. They are protesting against the repressive laws and human rights violations suffered through the actions and projects of the Government of the Philippines and other actors against Indigenous Peoples at President Marcos Jr’s national address on 22 July 2024 in Quezon City, Philippines. The photo was taken by Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2025 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2025 in full here
[1] IWGIA has consulted Indigenous youth from several countries and regions on a number of issues affecting them as part of the guiding research in our work.
Tags: Youth, Global governance
