The Indigenous World 2024: Ecuador
According to the National Institute of Statistics and Census (INEC, February 2024), Ecuador's current population stands at 17,895,131 inhabitants. There are 14 Indigenous nationalities in the country, totalling 1,301,887 people, and they are organized into local, regional and national organizations representing 7.7% of the total population. The Indigenous nationalities and peoples live mainly in the highlands (68.20%) and Amazon (24.06%), with only 7.56% on the coast.
The following Indigenous nationalities were included in the 2022 Census for self-identification purposes: Tsáchila, Chachi, Epera, Awa, Kichwa, Shuar, Achuar, Shiwiar, Cofán, Siona, Secoya, Zápara, Andoa and Waorani. The Kichwa nationality comprises the highest percentage (85.87%) and includes nearly 800,000 people nationwide. Despite the low percentages of most of the nationalities, all have equal importance within the context of a Plurinational State. There is also a significant percentage of Indigenous people living in rural areas in the highland provinces of Tungurahua and Pichincha, and in the Amazonian provinces of Napo and Morona-Santiago, ranging from 50,000 to 80,000 inhabitants. To date, after more than 15 years of the current Constitution and more than two decades on since ratification of ILO Convention 169, there are still no specific or clear public policies to prevent and neutralize the risk of the disappearance of these peoples from the country.
This article is part of the 38th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous man harvesting quinoa in Sunimarka, Peru. This photo was taken by Pablo Lasansky, and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2024 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2024 in full here
2023 was a highly turbulent year in terms of the country's political and economic systems, resulting in deteriorating living conditions for a majority of the Ecuadorian population generally and violating the economic and social rights of Indigenous Peoples and nationalities, in particular. The ramping up of neoliberal policies, together with an intensive rollback of the State from its regulatory and rights-guaranteeing role, led to the collapse of the political system, including the suspension of the National Assembly, the termination of the mandate of Guillermo Lasso's government and the holding of early presidential elections. This environment further facilitated the expansion of organized crime throughout the country and, with this, an escalation of violence in prisons and on the streets, ratcheting up the murder rate to record levels. Among these criminal groups’ various areas of action was illegal mining, affecting several Indigenous territories.
Economic / political crisis and uncertainty in the face of Indigenous demands
After a decade of political campaigning, banker Guillermo Lasso finally won the election and became President of the Republic in May 2021, leading a broad right-wing coalition that defeated the progressive Andrés Arauz, Revolución Ciudadana (RC) candidate, in the elections. However, two years on and Lasso's numerous campaign promises to generate employment through market liberalization, labour flexibilization, the promotion of foreign investment and public-private partnerships, as well as tax reductions, the creation of free trade zones, the privatization of public enterprises and the fight against corruption, all remained mere unfulfilled promises.
Instead, Lasso continued the neoliberal policies agreed with the International Monetary Fund, initiated in 2017 by the government of Lenin Moreno (2017-2021). The 2023 economic crisis in Ecuador was exacerbated by an almost USD 2.5 billion (approx. EUR 2.2 billion) decline in the country’s international money reserves.[1] According to Pablo Arosemena, Minister of Economy and Finance, these funds had to be used to pay the public debt but the former manager of the Central Bank, Verónica Artola, suggested that there had also been significant private sector capital flight, to the tune of USD 1 billion (approx. EUR 900 million).[2] The government's explanation focused on the drop in oil exports, especially on the part of private companies, and the 27% decline in tax revenues from foreign currency outflows.[3] Over the course of the year, the Lasso government faced an almost USD 10 billion (approx. EUR 9 billion) defunding of the General State Budget, according to former Finance Minister Marco Flores.[4]
Despite this backdrop, Lasso's neoliberal orthodoxy led him to maintain a hard line and totally rein in public spending, a policy favourable only to small sectors of the banking, commercial-importing and banking-financial bourgeoisie, including foreign debt bondholders.[5] In this context, the official position warned that defaulting on payment of the public debt could risk dollarization and threaten economic stability. However, according to Wilma Salgado, former Minister of Finance, these threats
...were simply used to support unpopular measures which, in reality, go against the country's welfare, such as the reduction in the Tax on Foreign Exchange Outflows, which cheapens capital flight, and the reforms that benefit tax havens.[6]
The government's prioritization of the banks and the speculative-financial sector of the economy saw its counterpoint in the almost complete abandonment of social policy on education, health or social security and a growing indebtedness among local governments that reached almost USD 1.5 billion,[7] with this absence of public investment resulting in deficiencies in basic services.
The effects of this economic policy could be seen in the deteriorating socioeconomic situation of broad sectors of society. Nationally, 25.5% of the population now live in income poverty, and 61.2% are unable to cover the basic food basket. Against this backdrop, the exclusionary gaps that largely affect Indigenous youth have been amplified. Insecurity is also highlighted as a crucial problem, with a projected increase in the murder rate.[8]
Inequality persists at the provincial level, being more serious in the Amazon, Esmeraldas, Santa Elena and the central highlands, where more than 70% of the population are unable to cover the basic food basket. Indigenous communities in provinces such as Morona-Santiago and Pastaza in the Amazon, or Chimborazo, Bolivar, Cañar and Cotopaxi, have suffered an even greater deterioration in their living standards, with higher rates of poverty and extreme poverty and no guarantees of their basic economic and social rights.[9]
In this context, the Indigenous demands made during the 2022 roundtable dialogues, such as the targeting of subsidies and a reduction in fuel prices, the cancellation of obligations to public banks, price controls and the productive promotion of agriculture and the peasant family economy, remained largely unfulfilled.[10] According to Gary Espinosa, President of the National Federation of Peasant, Indigenous and Black Organizations (FENOCIN),
...the opening up of the university entrance exam was started but not completed; as regards family farming, some technical advances were made but, when it comes to investing resources, everything remains the same... And almost all agreements end up like this: they don’t put their money where their mouth is.[11]
Political crisis, early elections and referendum on extractivism
Politically, the start of the year was marked by the scandal known as the “Caso Gran Padrino” [Great Godfather Case] or “Encuentro” [Encounter], due to a digital media outlet close to the government publishing a detailed condemnation of a complex corruption scheme and links between senior regime officials, the powerful businessman Danilo Carrera Drouet (brother-in-law and mentor of President Lasso) and the so-called “Albanian Mafia”, responsible for cocaine distribution in Europe.[12]
The case shone a light on a process that had been occurring in the political arena in recent years: the fact that criminal capital and international drug trafficking networks (Sinaloa Cartel, Jalisco Cartel - New Generation and the Balkan Cartel or Albanian mafia) had managed to penetrate State structures (central government, police, armed forces and judicial system) in order to consolidate the expansion of their operations in Ecuador.[13] The “Great Godfather Case” was just the tip of the iceberg involving high-ranking officials of the Lasso government.[14]
In response, the National Assembly set up a multi-party commission to initiate investigations and impeach President Lasso. After much political wrangling and lobbying, the impeachment began on 4 March 2023. The process moved at pace with admissibility granted by the Constitutional Court, followed by testimony and evidence in the Oversight Committee. Despite controversy over a “draft report”, the plenary of the National Assembly gave the green light to the impeachment trial on 9 May.[15]
In response, the government embarked on a mass media campaign to dismiss the impeachment,[16] backed up by the unconditional support of allied factions of the radical right, the U.S. Embassy in Quito and large media emporiums, who all accused the opposition majority in the legislature of destabilizing actions and of plotting a coup d’état.[17]
Faced with the impossibility of blocking or reversing the positions taken in the Assembly, the majority of which were in favour of censuring and dismissing Lasso, on 17 May this latter therefore decided to dissolve the legislature and call for early elections by means of Executive Decree 741,[18] invoking a “serious political crisis and internal commotion” in order to activate Article 148 of the Constitution, known as “la muerte cruzada” (“mutual death”).[19] Lasso's decision led to a suspension of parliamentary activity and the militarization of the Legislative Palace. There were immediate protests in the streets by sectors such as the National Union of Teachers (UNE) and university students and other organizations, demonstrating the clear tension and rejection of the government's decision.
To these events were added the unconstitutionality lawsuits filed by Assembly members from different parties, all of which were rejected by the Constitutional Court alleging that it did not have jurisdiction to verify the grounds of “serious political crisis and internal commotion” invoked by Lasso.[20] This situation highlighted a deepening political polarization in Ecuador and raised questions about the legitimacy and legality of the President's actions in the midst of the crisis.
Faced with this scenario, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) assessed the events and, through Leonidas Iza, President of the organization, said:
...we are facing a difficult moment for the democracy of our country [...] Lasso, like all cowards, decrees a “mutual death” to prevent the National Assembly, in the face of popular clamour, from removing him from office (...) Lasso's vote-buying in the National Assembly was not enough to save him from impeachment so, seeing himself lost, he activates a covert self-coup d'état.[21]
The Extended Council of CONAIE ruled out demonstrations but stated that the grassroots of the Indigenous movement and allied organizations would remain on “permanent alert” for the decisions of President Guillermo Lasso.[22]
Following the declaration of “mutual death”, the National Electoral Council (CNE) called two rounds of presidential and legislative elections. The first round of elections was scheduled for 20 August, with a possible run-off on 15 October. The presidential and legislative elections were also combined with a referendum on banning oil exploitation in Block 43, in the vicinity of the Yasuní National Park, as requested by the “Yasunidos” collective.[23] In the Metropolitan District of Quito, a referendum was also to be held on banning metal mining in the parishes of the Andean Chocó, called by the citizens and supported by the “Quito Sin Minería” [Quito Free From Mining] collective.
Once the electoral contest had begun, an intense yet short electoral campaign unfolded marred by several violent incidents and threats. The most serious of these was the assassination of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio, a close ally of the Lasso government and staunch opponent of Revolución Ciudadana, just a few days before the first round of elections on 20 August. According to all the projections and polls leading up to that week, the RC running mates, Luisa González and Andrés Arauz, were set to be victorious in the first round. Villavicencio’s family and close allies invoked the RC’s involvement in his assassination, however, although they never offered any evidence to back up such an accusation. This, together with the position of Diana Salazar, Attorney General, who also supported this accusation, had a direct impact on the first round results and led to a run-off vote on 15 October, which was finally won by Daniel Noboa with 51.83% of the vote.[24]
In addition to the presidential and legislative elections, a parallel environmental referendum was held in which the “Yes” vote triumphed, with 60% of the votes supporting a suspension of oil exploitation in Block 43 located in the Yasuní National Park. Support for the “Yes” to ban mining in the subtropical zone of Quito was also successful.[25]
Implosion and political crisis in the Indigenous movement
The political crisis had three main consequences for Indigenous Peoples: first, it had a direct impact on the de facto suspension of the “dialogue” process and the implementation of the agreements established following the negotiations of the second half of 2022; second, it expedited the co-opting of factions of the Pachakutik movement by the government, thus further aggravating internal tensions and conflicts; and third, it favoured the extractive sector, whose timetable for concessions and operations – especially mining – on Indigenous territories continued unchanged.
Regarding the first, CONAIE had issued 14 resolutions, including a demand for the resignation of President Guillermo Lasso, and that the Assembly and the Constitutional Court smooth the path to his impeachment. “If the President takes the initiative and decides to dissolve the legislature, the movement will mobilize to prevent ‘a dictatorship’”, the organization said in a statement, and Leonidas Iza, President of CONAIE, announced that the Indigenous movement would withdraw from the meetings aimed at monitoring the agreements reached in the dialogue process that ended the strike of June 2022. According to the Extended Council, “There has been no political will on the part of the government” to comply with the agreements. On the contrary, it stated, the President “has continued to advance his neoliberal policies in violation of our rights”.[26]
On the second point, despite initially counting on solid political support in the 2021 elections, the Pachakutik Plurinational Unity Movement (PK) was not successful in consolidating its position. In the face of the demands made by CONAIE’s grassroots organizations in the mass demonstrations and protests of October 2019 and June 2022, the indecisive and ambiguous positions of some sectors closer to the neoliberal governments became increasingly evident during the final stages of the Lasso administration. Tensions between the wing led by Leonidas Iza from CONAIE and the group led by Marlon Santi, President of PK, finally ended in internal rupture. Several legislators were expelled and others maintained their unconditional support for the Lasso government, dismissing the critical positions and government opposition advocated by CONAIE and its affiliated organizations.
This political rupture reached the extreme of repudiating the internal elections held at the end of April in Puyo, Pastaza, when the PK Movement held its Ordinary Congress to elect its leaders. Here, Guillermo Churuchumbi came in first ahead of the list supported by Cecilia Velasque and Marlon Santi, who maintained a position aligned with the Lasso government.[27] Despite the victory of Churuchumbi, former mayor of Cayambe and a supporter of the impeachment trial against Lasso in the Assembly, the process was marred by riots and allegations of irregularities, leading the National Electoral Council to refuse to recognize this victory.[28] The dispute intensified when the government-allied group filed extortion charges against Churuchumbi, formally accusing him of illegal payments during his term as mayor.[29]
In addition to this lack of a leader, the internal conflict prevented PK from presenting its own candidate for the early presidential elections. After a significant electoral result in 2021, with a block of 25 Assembly members based on support from urban and middle class sectors, the 2023 elections instead resulted in a significant setback. PK achieved barely five seats in the National Assembly. According to Assemblywoman Mariana Yumbay, this was due to various corruption scandals and alignment with the Lasso government, which should now give way to a deep reflection and internal purging in order to revitalize the movement.
Thirdly, the political crisis was taken advantage of by the powerful extractive sector, which managed to get the executive branch to issue Decree 754 without consultation, seeking to facilitate illegal environmental consultation processes in violation of constitutional rights and in defiance of Constitutional Court rulings. In communities where the processes had begun, such as Las Naves and Palo Quemado, and in some parts of the Napo province in the Amazon, extreme State violence was recorded, with shootings and arrests. This decree was issued at a time of media distraction, illustrating the State's willingness to take advantage of the political upheaval to illegally promote extractivism. In addition, the Ministry of the Environment issued another decree making the management plans for protective forests more flexible for any activity, questioning the effectiveness of this environmental concept.[30] The exclusion of protected forests from the National System of Protected Areas (SNAP) reveals a lack of will to establish adequate protection mechanisms. By failing to generate effective standards, Ecuador's legal regulations are turning protected forests into areas where everything is effectively restricted except mining.
Expansion of oil operations in Dureno and assassination of leader Eduardo Mendúa
In January 2023, Indigenous leader Eduardo Mendúa of the A'i Cofán de Dureno community, in Sucumbíos province near the northern border with Colombia in the Amazon, denounced the violence caused by internal disagreements in his community due to the imposition of an oil project by the State-owned Petroecuador, which was resulting in clashes between community members. Mendúa thus rejected the government-incited confrontation although his warning did not prevent an escalation in tensions.
“We have been resisting for six months here in the territory since they tried to commence the [oil] operations,” said Indigenous leader Eduardo Mendúa on 12 January 2023. “As national leader of CONAIE, I categorically reject this type of incitement by the government, which [seeks] confrontation and violence between Cofán brothers. I call on the national government to please stop the violence it has caused.” [31]
Just over a month later, on 26 February, Mendúa was shot 12 times and murdered at his home, two days after participating in CONAIE’s Extended Council as head of international relations, a meeting that had decided to ramp up the struggle due to the government’s non-compliance.
The previously united community of Dureno had suffered divisions seven years ago when then President, Silverio Criollo, negotiated the drilling of 30 wells by Petroecuador on community territory without consultation and behind the backs of the other community members. The resistance led at that time by Mendúa and Edwin Hernández faced sanctions and fines, generating internal tensions that ultimately culminated in a tragic end for the Indigenous leader.[32]
Territorial restoration and right of the Siekopai nationality
In September, the Siekopai nationality achieved a crucial legal victory by regaining possession of their ancestral land in the Ecuadorian Amazon more than eight decades after they were displaced due to the war between Ecuador and Peru. This war resulted in the establishment of a new border based on the 1942 Rio de Janeiro Protocol that put an end to the hostilities. The Siekopai, who live on both sides of the border, ended up displaced, divided and dispossessed of their ancestral territories.[33]
An Ecuadorian appeals court upheld the Siekopai nation's claim to Pë'këya, a highly biodiverse territory in north-eastern Ecuador along the border with Peru. Last September, with around 800 members, the community filed a lawsuit against the Ecuadorian State arguing that their right to ancestral property had been violated.[34]
Court documents show that, in its ruling, the Sucumbíos Provincial Court gave Ecuador's Ministry of Environment 45 days to provide a land title to the Siekopai people for more than 42,360 hectares of land.[35] In summary, the judgment also requires the placement of marker posts, in coordination with the nation, together with a public apology to the families of the deceased who did not get to see their territory recovered and, indeed, to the entire Siekopai nation. It was decided by the Siekopai people that this apology would take place inside the reclaimed territory, at the Wakarajaira lagoon.
According to Justino Piaguaje, leader of the Siekopai nationality and architect of this process:
...this judicial victory for the recovery of the ancestral territory of Pë'këya of the Great Siekopai Nation finally brings justice to the Siekopai after almost 80 years of struggle. The sacred doors of the “Okome” water spirits, the “Nuni ma'a” path to immortality, will be open for future generations to continue the dialogue with the spirits of the different dimensions, according to the Siekopai cosmovision.[36]
Pablo Ortiz-T. is a sociologist and research professor at the Salesian Polytechnic University - Quito Campus. He is coordinator of the State and Development Research Group, GIEDE. Contact: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. / This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
This article is part of the 38th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous man harvesting quinoa in Sunimarka, Peru. This photo was taken by Pablo Lasansky, and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2024 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2024 in full here
Notes and references
[1] “Reserva internacional registra baja al colocarse en $ 6.905 millones, aunque aún cubre moneda fraccionaria y depósitos bancarios”, El Universo, Guayaquil, 7 September 2013. https://shorturl.at/enGHW
[2] "Artola alerta fuga de capitales: banca privada retira USD 250 millones en un mes", Ecuador en Vivo, 3 March 2023. https://shorturl.at/fuEGX
[3] Marcayata, C. “La caída de los ingresos amenaza con ampliar el déficit fiscal en 2023”, Revista Gestión, 20 July 2023. https://shorturl.at/oQUY6
[4] “La economía está fiscalmente destruida, indicó Marco Flores Troncoso”, KCH Radio y KCHTV, 21 November 2023. https://shorturl.at/iuI05
[5] Santaeulalia, I.& Mella, C., “Ecuador en cinco claves, radiografía de un país en crisis”, El País, Madrid, 9 October 2023. https://elpais.com/internacional/2023-10-09/ecuador-en-cinco-claves-radiografia-de-un-pais-en-crisis.html
[6] Salgado, W., “Mil millones de RI sería fuga de capitales que van a parar a paraísos fiscales”, Radio La Calle, 12 September 2023. https://radiolacalle.com/salgado-mil-millones-de-ri-seria-fuga-de-capitales-que-van-a-parar-a-paraisos-fiscales/
[7] “AME alerta de movilizaciones si el gobierno no cancela las deudas con los municipios”, Ecuador en vivo, 26 December 2023. https://shorturl.at/gFM24; “El Congope informa de la deuda del gobierno central a los ministros entrantes”, Diario Expreso, Guayaquil, 15 November 2023. https://shorturl.at/knNSV
[8] United Nations. “Ecuador: Surging violence must be wake up call to urgently address poverty, says UN expert”, Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, 8 September 2023. https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/09/ecuador-surging-violence-must-be-wake-call-urgently-address-poverty-says-un
[9] Mideros, A. “Pobreza, desigualdades e inseguridad: El círculo vicioso que enfrenta Ecuador", Primicias, 12 December 2023. https://www.primicias.ec/noticias/firmas/pobreza-desigualdad-inseguridad-ecuador-informalidad/
[10] CDES Resumen de los alcances de las Mesas de Diálogo entre el movimiento indígena y el gobierno nacional, CDES, 1 March 2023. https://shorturl.at/cfmR4
[11] Ronquillo, “¿Se cumplieron o no los 218 acuerdos de las mesas de diálogo tras el paro de junio? Gobierno e indígenas tienen visiones encontradas”, El Universo, 29 June 2023. https://shorturl.at/npCHM
[12] "El Gran Padrino", La Posta, https://investigacioneslaposta.com/
[13] Turkewitz, J. “How a Peaceful Country Became a Gold Rush State for Drug Cartel,” New York Times, 12 July 2023. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/12/world/americas/ecuador-drug-cartels.html
[14] Mella, C., “Los tentáculos del crimen organizado se esparcen a todo Ecuador”, El País, Madrid, 13 December 2023. https://elpais.com/america/2023-12-14/los-tentaculos-del-crimen-organizado-se-esparcen-a-todo-ecuador.html
[15] “Asamblea de Ecuador decide proceder al enjuiciamiento contra el presidente Lasso”, CNN en español, 9 May 2023. https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2023/05/09/lasso-enjuiciamiento-peculado-asamblea-orix/
[16] Afinogenova, I. ”Cómo destrozar un país en 5 años: el crimen organizado conquista Ecuador”, YouTube, 2023. https://youtu.be/8oTvWqZlRNM?si=tiKqcd4IIDwu1Ah5
[17] Tandazo, A., “El Gobierno de Lasso es el segundo tiempo de Moreno y el padrino de Noboa”, Radio Pichincha Multimedia, 17 October 2023. https://youtu.be/QjFDu8D-YMw?si=0yq4rOMiHVwo3cEa
[18] Presidency of the Republic, Executive Decree 741, 2023. https://www.comunicacion.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Decreto_Ejecutivo_No._741_20230417063831.pdf
[19] “Ecuador president dissolves legislature, bringing vote forward”, Aljazeera, 17 May 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/17/ecuador-president-dissolves-legislature-bringing-vote-forward
[20] Constitutional Court of Ecuador. “Respecto de las demandas de inconstitucionalidad presentadas contra el Decreto Ejecutivo No. 741”, 2023. https://www.corteconstitucional.gob.ec/respecto-de-las-demandas-de-inconstitucionalidad-presentadas-contra-el-decreto-ejecutivo-no-741/
[21] “Leonidas Iza afirma que 'el Ecuador no tiene futuro con Guillermo Lasso’”, El Comercio, 17 May 2023. https://www.elcomercio.com/actualidad/politica/leonidas-iza-conaie-guillermo-lasso-muerte-cruzada.html
[22] “Conaie descarta movilizaciones, pero se declara en 'vigilia permanente'”, Radio La Calle, 17 May 2023. https://radiolacalle.com/conaie-descarta-movilizaciones-pero-se-declara-en-vigilancia-permanente/
[23] Amazon Watch. “Ecuador Makes History: Vote to Keep the Oil in the Ground in Yasuní Underway”, YouTube, 1 June 2023. https://youtu.be/kXfWwO81LxY?si=SFtVqS4pNzWp8Lo
[24] “Así le hemos contado las elecciones presidenciales en Ecuador”, El País, 16 October 2023. https://elpais.com/america/2023-10-15/elecciones-presidenciales-en-ecuador-2023-en-vivo.html
[25] CNE. “Resultados preliminares. Elecciones presidenciales, legislativas anticipadas 2023 y consultas populares: Yasuní y Choco Andino”, 2023. https://resultados.cne.gob.ec/
[26] “La Conaie rompe el diálogo y pide la renuncia del Presidente”, Primicias, 24 February 2023. https://www.primicias.ec/noticias/politica/conaie-gobierno-dialogo-manifestacion/
[27] “Guillermo Churuchumbi es el nuevo presidente de Pachakutik”, El Comercio, 29 April 2023. https://shorturl.at/ovEI5
[28] Las elecciones en Pachakutik: impugnación y denuncias de violencia. Plan V 04/05/2023. https://shorturl.at/h0134
[29] “La militancia de Pachakutik decide su futuro político entre Guillermo Churuchumbi y Cecilia Velasque”, El Universo, 9 November 2023. https://shorturl.at/knAGJ
[30] Paz Cardona, A. “Ecuador: ’La crisis política está siendo capitalizada por el sector extractivo’”, Mongabay, 19 August 2023. https://es.mongabay.com/2023/08/elecciones-ecuador-crisis-politica-entrevista-gustavo-redin/
[31] “Ecuador: el asesinato del líder indígena Eduardo Mendúa”, Blogs El Espectador, Bogotá, 9 March 2023. https://shorturl.at/iouQU
[32] Alvarado, A.C., “Ecuador: el asesinato del líder indígena Eduardo Mendúa en medio de conflicto petrolero en la comunidad Cofán Dureno”, Mongabay, 3 March 2023. https://es.mongabay.com/2023/03/asesinato-de-eduardo-mendua-en-ecuador/
[33] “Ecuador: los siekopai recuperan sus territorios ancestrales por decisión judicial”, France 24, 30 November 2023. https://www.france24.com/es/am%C3%A9rica-latina/20231130-ecuador-los-siekopai-recuperan-sus-territorios-ancestrales-por-decisi%C3%B3n-judicial
[34] “La Nación Siekopai y la vuelta a su territorio ancestral, Pë'këya”, IWGIA, 30 November 2023. https://www.iwgia.org/es/ecuador/5315-la-naci%C3%B3n-siekopai-y-la-vuelta-a-su-territorio-ancestral,-p%C3%AB-k%C3%ABya.html
[35] Gabay, Aimee, “Historic land win for Ecuador’s Siekopai sets precedent for other Indigenous peoples”, Mongabay, 8 January 2024. https://news.mongabay.com/2024/01/historic-land-win-for-ecuadors-siekopai-sets-precedent-for-other-Indigenous-groups/
[36] Piaguaje, J. “Entrevista personal con IWGIA, Lago Agrio-Sucumbíos”, 22 January 2024.
