The Indigenous World 2024: Bedouin in the Negev/Naqab
Israel’s Arab Bedouin citizens are Indigenous to the Negev (Naqab, in Arabic) desert, where they have lived for centuries as a semi-nomadic people, long before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Members of the Bedouin community are an integral part of the Arab Palestinian minority, as well as citizens of the State of Israel. Combining herding with agriculture, they are settled in villages linked by kinship (tribes) systems, and this has largely determined land ownership.
During the early 1950s and until 1966, Israel concentrated the Bedouin in a restricted area, known by the name of “al-Siyāj”, under military administration, representing only around 10% of their original ancestral land. Today, some 300,000 Bedouin citizens of Israel live in the Naqab, in three types of location: government-planned townships, recognized villages, and unrecognized villages.[1]
There are 35 unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Naqab, which Israel refers to either as the “dispersion” or as “illegal villages”, calling their inhabitants “trespassers” on State land and “criminals”.[2] Most of the Bedouin population lost their lands when Israel declared it as Mawat (“dead”, uncultivated agricultural lands) and reclaimed it as State land.[3]
Since the beginning of the 1970s, Israel has been conducting an ongoing non-consensual and non-participatory urbanization process. The State documents that 72.9% of the Naqab’s Bedouin residents live below the poverty line.[4] However, Bedouin residents from unrecognized villages are not included in these national poverty indicators.[5]
In addition to the seven townships, the State recognized 11 Bedouin villages from 1999 onwards.[6] In June 2021, the coalition agreement included recognition of the unrecognized Bedouin villages of Khašim Zannih, Rakhamah, and ̕Abdih within the first 90 days of the government. However, the condition that at least 70% of the Bedouin residents give their consent to leave their lands before the recognition process is finalized poses significant challenges.[7]
Two decades later, there is no significant difference between recognized and unrecognized villages. The remaining 28% of the Bedouin population (around 100,000 people) live in unrecognized villages[8] that do not appear on any official map and most of which contain no health or educational facilities or basic infrastructure. Their residents have no formal local government bodies and are represented only in the Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages (RCUV).
This article is part of the 38th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous man harvesting quinoa in Sunimarka, Peru. This photo was taken by Pablo Lasansky, and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2024 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2024 in full here
The struggle against demolitions
In spring 2023, the Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF) released its data on house demolitions, revealing that 2020 marked an unprecedented record year with 3,004 structures destroyed.[9] Even in 2022, despite a 5% decrease, the region experienced massive destruction, totalling 2,745 structures and over 700 homes.[10] The hopes vested in the new Israeli government to execute the five-year plan for Bedouin development in the Negev have been met with disappointment. Instead of progress, the Negev region is witnessing an alarming surge in home demolitions, facilitated by the use of advanced hi-tech cyber equipment.
The issuance of demolition orders in Bīr Haddāj marks a troubling development, accompanied by an unprecedented volume of notifications in the Negev. The implementation of new hi-tech cyber equipment, proudly flaunted by the authorities, enables the mass screening of vast areas and the issuance of numerous demolition orders targeting homes, livestock pens, fences, and sheep enclosures.[11] The destructive impact of these policies is starkly illustrated by the obliteration of seven houses in ʿArʿarah, rendering approximately 80 family members homeless. Tractors ploughing fields in Saʿwah are further exacerbating the crisis, destroying hard-earned crops that Bedouins have cultivated under challenging conditions to sustain their livestock in water-scarce lands. The government's enforcement policy has taken a disconcerting turn, exemplified by initiatives such as afforestation in Bīr al-Ḥamām.[12] Ostensibly aimed at ecological goals, these actions serve to restrict land use for nearby villages, adding another layer to the mounting challenges faced by Bedouin communities.[13]
The gravity of the situation prompted a demonstration in Beer Sheva in 2023, where around 1,000 participants united in response to this distressing trend. The collective voice of Bedouins, joined by both Arab and Jewish allies, echoed against the backdrop of unequal rights, the absence of community involvement in planning, and the distressing scale of mass home demolitions. The protest sought to draw attention to the critical need for fair and inclusive policies that honour the Bedouin way of life.[14]
In the heart of the Negev, just west of Route 40, lies al-ʿArāgīb, an unrecognized Bedouin village that has become a poignant symbol of resistance against a relentless wave of demolitions. May 2023 brought unprecedented hardship as residents saw their homes razed to the ground not once but twice in a single month. Despite their 13 years of continuous protests, the Bedouin community in al-ʿArāgīb faces ongoing challenges, particularly amidst a prolonged trial to determine land ownership. Nevertheless, the residents' resilience is palpable, and evident in their weekly demonstrations against the perpetual threat of demolitions and evictions.
However, the struggle intensified on 30 May when, in a predawn raid at 5:15 am, the Yoav unit apprehended Sheikh Sayyach Al-tori, along with his son Aziz and Aziz's wife, Sabach. Hours of interrogation followed, only to see their eventual release. The very next day, al-ʿArāgīb was subjected to its 217th demolition since 2010, underscoring the unyielding pressure faced by its inhabitants.
New settlements
Against this backdrop, the Government of Israel’s plans to establish new Jewish settlements on Bedouin land in the Negev have sparked controversy. Despite refusing to recognize over 30 existing Bedouin communities, the government is allocating a substantial NIS 1.6 billion (approx. EUR 406 million) for the expedited establishment of 14 new Jewish communities in the Negev over the next two years.[15]
The Ministerial Committee gave its approval to the controversial Chikli Plan on 24 February 2023,[16], a proposal ostensibly aimed at the development of the Bedouin community in the Negev/Naqab region. Spearheaded by Minister Chikli, the plan takes a concentrated approach, focusing enforcement efforts in four key areas – Rahat, Hurah, Mareit, and Bīr Haddāj. The plan raises concerns of potential mass evictions, casting a shadow over villages such as Tal-Arad and Awajan. Its core strategy revolves around the forced concentration of Bedouin communities into existing towns, starkly refusing to recognize or incorporate new Bedouin villages into the developmental framework.
The Chikli Plan notably contradicts the broader governmental initiative to establish 14 new Jewish settlements in the Negev. While promising to expedite the establishment of industrial zones in the Negev-Naqab, the plan falls short by not allocating funds for this purpose. Instead, funds are directed towards greater law enforcement, earmarking a substantial NIS 18 million (approx. EUR 4.5 million) for the police in order to exert force against Bedouin villages in the way of future national infrastructure.
One glaring aspect of this decision-making process is the lack of consultation with the Bedouin community, perpetuating a view that considers them obstacles rather than essential partners. Bedouin leaders or representatives were notably excluded from the discussion, leaving decisions about their future made on their behalf.
This absence of meaningful dialogue has resulted in a dearth of viable alternatives for preserving Bedouin communities and facilitating their growth. The ongoing demolition of homes and the forced expulsion from ancestral lands further underscore the contentious nature of these decisions, violating international conventions ratified by Israel.[17]
As this unfolds, it is crucial to revisit the principles outlined in the UN Declaration on the Right to Development (1986) and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007). These declarations emphasize the right to development as a comprehensive process, promoting the well-being, active participation and fair distribution of benefits for all individuals, principles that seem to have been overlooked in the current developments in the Negev/Naqab, including the Chikli Plan.[18]
The situation since 7 October
The events of 7 October marked a significant turning point for the Bedouin, as they did for everyone in Israel and Palestine, as the Hamas attacks and kidnappings of Israelis had a profound impact on the Bedouin community, which was inevitably caught in the crossfire.
Twenty-one Bedouin, including six children died on that day[19] and the days following, some by rockets fired from the Gaza Strip, others killed by Hamas forces.[20],[21] In one instance, Abu Sabila,[22] a 25-year-old construction worker and father of two young boys, was visiting his brothers who worked as security guards in Sderot near the Sderot police station. He responded to the desperate cries of Odaya Swisa after her husband Dolev was killed by Hamas forces. In an attempt to move the family’s car and protect Swisa’s little girls, aged 3 and 6, Abu Sabila sat in the driver's seat and was fatally shot sitting next to Odaya. Fortunately, the children were unharmed.[23]
Since that day, an atmosphere of fear, worry, and threat has persisted for the Bedouin community. Despite the release of two Bedouin hostages, ʿĀʾishah (17) and Bilal (18) Ziyadne during the initial ceasefire, their father Youssef (53) and his son Hamzah (22) still find themselves in Gaza. The ordeal continues, casting a lingering shadow of uncertainty.[24]
One particularly tragic incident unfolded with the death of Samer al-Talalka (24) who, along with two other Israeli hostages, was accidentally shot by the Israeli army after an initially successful escape attempt.[25] The pain experienced by Samer's family remains indescribable. During our visit, the parents recounted how, when representatives of the military visited them, all they could express was a fervent hope that no other family would have to receive such heartbreaking news.
The dynamics of unity and support within the affected community are complex. The uncle of one hostage shared with us the profound sense of inclusion and support he feels from other families grappling with similar challenges. He emphasized the palpable solidarity within Israeli society, acknowledging the efforts made to stand together now.
Despite this, after a period of respite likely attributed to the recent conflict, Bedouin communities are now once again being confronted with government-ordered home demolitions, which began in early 2024.[26]
Existing issues exacerbated by war
Navigating through such challenging circumstances is already difficult and, for the majority of residents in the unrecognized villages, the struggle continues. Compounding their concerns is the precarious security situation, as their residences are officially deemed barren land and consequently fall outside the protective umbrella of the State missile defence systems known as the “Iron Dome”.
Adding to this complexity, these communities lack essential infrastructure that could offer protection from rocket attacks, such as bunkers or secure rooms. The provision of such facilities is scarce, primarily occurring through self-organization or reluctantly under immense pressure, and often in insufficient measure. This further exacerbates the vulnerability of the inhabitants, leaving them with limited recourse in the face of ongoing threats.
The absence of secure infrastructure, particularly safe rooms in public areas such as schools, leaves community members with limited options for seeking refuge during rocket attacks. For many years, including during past military conflicts and wars, Bedouin, NGOs, and activists have vehemently demanded that all villages, including those not officially recognized, be provided with adequate security structures. There is an urgent need to create security rooms in schools and public facilities, to connect the areas to the Iron Dome and to set up a warning system.[27]
The financial strain on both communal and individual levels further compounds the difficulty in addressing this critical need. So far, these demands have been largely ignored. Occasionally in the past, temporary and portable shelters were erected – as is finally the case during this ongoing war. However, these are neither sufficient in size nor in their protective function to meet the needs of the communities. The continued neglect of these urgent needs has led to an increasing vulnerability of the population in conflict situations and emphasizes the need for a rapid and comprehensive solution by means of external support and intervention to ensure the safety and well-being of these communities.[28]
The already challenging economic conditions have now been further exacerbated by the war, with a drastic worsening of poverty levels. Many are unable to work, given the halt in construction projects and other economic activities. This has resulted in a significant proportion of families losing their primary source of income, leading to heightened food insecurity.[29] The ripple effects of the conflict have intensified the struggles of these communities, pushing them deeper into economic hardship and amplifying concerns about their basic needs, including access to education and adequate nutrition.
Conclusion
In conclusion, 2023 was a year of unprecedented challenges and adversity for the Bedouin community in the Negev/Naqab region. From the relentless destruction of their homes to the devastating impact of the events of 7 October, the resilience of the Bedouin people has been tested like never before. Despite facing systematic discrimination and negligence from the authorities, the Bedouin continue to fight for their rights and their way of life.
As we reflect on the events of the past year, it is clear that urgent action must be taken to address the socio-economic inequalities and security concerns. The government's failure to consult Bedouin leaders and include them in decision-making processes only exacerbates the situation, further eroding trust and leading to greater injustice.
It is imperative that policymakers prioritize inclusive and sustainable development initiatives that respect the rights and dignity of the Bedouin people. This includes an immediate halt to house demolitions, recognizing and supporting existing Bedouin villages, investing in essential infrastructure and services, and ensuring equal access to opportunities for all citizens.
A small ray of hope shone in early 2024 when six members of the Knesset visited unrecognized Bedouin villages to understand their situation better,[30] perhaps indicating that there is a growing awareness of the Indigenous Bedouin in the Negev/Naqab.
Every year we aim to document the situation of the Bedouin in both Israel and Palestine. Unfortunately, this year our authors were not able to provide an article on the Bedouin in Palestine.
The Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF) was established in 1997 to provide a space for Arab-Jewish shared society in the struggle for civil equality and the advancement of mutual tolerance and coexistence in the Negev/Naqab. NCF is unique in being the only Arab-Jewish organization that remains focused solely on the problems confronting the Negev/Naqab area. NCF considers that the State of Israel is failing to respect, protect and fulfil its human rights obligations, without discrimination, towards the Arab Bedouin Indigenous communities in the Negev/Naqab. As a result, NCF has set one of its goals as the achievement of full civil rights and equality for all people who make the Negev/Naqab their home.
Maria Ebner is a Master’s student of Human Geography from Frankfurt/Germany and currently working as an intern for NCF.
With contributions from Chloé Portheault and Huda Abu Obaid who work at NCF as International and Local Advocacy Coordinator for the Bedouin minority’s rights respectively.
This article is part of the 38th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. The photo above is of an Indigenous man harvesting quinoa in Sunimarka, Peru. This photo was taken by Pablo Lasansky, and is the cover of The Indigenous World 2024 where this article is featured. Find The Indigenous World 2024 in full here
Notes and references
[1] “Online Database – Life Characteristics of the Bedouin Population in the Negev – Demographics.” Accessed 15 February 2024, https://in.bgu.ac.il/humsos/negevSus/SYBSN/Pages/demographics.aspx
[2] For an interactive map of the Arab Bedouin villages in the Negev-Naqab, including background and information on services and infrastructure, see https://www.dukium.org/map/
[3] Forman, G. and Kedar, A. “Colonialism, Colonialization, and Land Lae in Mandate Palestine: The Zor al-Zarqa and Barrat Qisarya Land Disputes in Historical Perspective.” Tel Aviv University, Theoretical Inquiries in Law 4 (2003): 491-539. https://law.haifa.ac.il/images/documents/ColonialismColonizationLand.pdf
[4] State of Israel National Insurance Institute. “Dimensions of Poverty and Social Disparities - Annual Report, 2019.” p. 28. https://www.btl.gov.il/Publications/oni_report/Documents/oni2018.pdf
[5] Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF). “Indigenous Bedouin citizens neglected by the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics.” August 2021. https://www.dukium.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Indigenous-Bedouin-citizens-neglected-by-the-Israeli-CBS.pdf.
[6] Udasin, S. “Gov’t must bring basic needs to Beduins.” The Jerusalem Post, 21 December 2011. https://www.jpost.com/Enviro-Tech/Govt-must-bring-basic-needs-to-Beduins; Golan, P. “Built on sand.” The Jerusalem Pose, 26 June 2012. https://www.jpost.com/jerusalem-report/israel/built-on-sand; Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel. “How have the residents of the 13 ‘Abu Basma’ villages benefitted from ten years of recognition?” 30 September 2013. https://www.adalah.org/en/content/view/8207
[7] Boxerman, A. “Government legalizes 3 unrecognized Bedouin towns, fulfilling Ra’am’s pledge.” The Times of Israel, 3 November 2021. https://www.timesofisrael.com/government-legalizes-3-unrecognized-bedouin-towns-fulfilling-raams-pledge/
[8] Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). Total population estimations in localities, their population and other information, 2018, https://www.cbs.gov.il/en/mediarelease/pages/2019/localities-in-israel-2018.aspx
[9] Kremer, E., Portheault, C., Thomas, C., Noach, H., and Marcus, M. “Home Demolitions in
Bedouin Communities. Negev-Naqab, Israel. 2021-2022.” October 2023. https://www.dukium.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Home-Demolition-Report-2021-2022_ENG_02.pdf
[10] Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF). “Infogram on Home Demolitions during 2022.” 8 August 2023. https://www.dukium.org/infogram-on-home-demolitions-during-2022-3/
[11] Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF). “On the Map: the Arab Bedouin Villages in the Negev-Naqab.” Accessed 13 February 2023. https://www.dukium.org/?page_id=4
[12] Buxbaum, J. “Israeli demolition of Palestinian Bedouin homes spike in Naqab.” Al-Jazeera, 14 May 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/14/israeli-demolition-of-palestinian-bedouin-homes-spike-in-naqab
[13] Yefet, N. “Sharp Increase in Demolition Orders Raises Suspicion and Fear Among Israeli Bedouin.” Haaretz, 13 March 2023. https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2023-03-13/ty-article-magazine/.premium/sharp-increase-in-demolition-orders-raises-suspicion-and-fear-among-israeli-bedouin/00000186-da99-d062-abaf-defdd7e50000
[14] Dukium.org, “Newsletter - March-April 2023 - Dukium.Org.” April 2023. Accessed 4 February 2024. https://www.dukium.org/newsletter-march-april-2023/.
[15] Dukium.org. “Newsletter - May 2023 - Updates from the Negev/Naqab - Dukium.Org.” May 2023. Accessed 4 February 2024. https://www.dukium.org/newsletter-may-2023-updates-from-the-negev-naqab/.
[16] Zaken, D. “Cabinet approves five-year Arab sector plan after U-turn.” 28 February 2023. https://en.globes.co.il/en/article-cabinet-approves-five-year-arab-sector-plan-after-uturn-1001439744
[17] Dukium.org. “Newsletter - June 2023 - Updates from the Negev/Naqab - Dukium.Org,” June 2023. Accessed February 4, 2024, https://www.dukium.org/newsletter-june-2023-updates-from-the-negev-naqab/.
[18] Ibid.
[19]Goldman, A. and Koplewitz, G. “Israel’s Hidden Victims, Arab Bedouins, Were Attacked by Hamas Too.” The New York Times, 29 October 2023. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/29/world/middleeast/israel-hamas-arab-bedouins.html
[20] Merlin, O. “Israel's civil forum to assist Bedouin victims of October 7 massacre.” Jerusalem Post, 6 February 2024. https://www.jpost.com/israel-hamas-war/article-785519
[21] Pacchiani, G. “In Rahat, a Bedouin community mourns its October 7 losses away from the public eye.” The Times of Israel, 2 November 2023. https://www.timesofisrael.com/in-rahat-a-bedouin-community-mourns-its-october-7-losses-away-from-the-public-eye/
[22] Curiel, I. “Bedouin family mourns son murdered by terrorists amid heroic act.” Ynet News, 27 October 2023. Accessed 12 February 2024. https://www.ynetnews.com/magazine/article/skrbfzfzt
[23] Toi Staff, „Those we have lost. Amer Abu Sabila, 25: killed trying to save two young girls in Sderot”, 23 October 2023, https://www.timesofisrael.com/presumed-captive-amer-odeh-abu-sabila-on-guard-duty-in-sderot/
[24] Staff, T. “Two Bedouin Teens Released from Gaza; Father and Older Brother Still Held Hostage.” The Times of Israel, 30 November 2023. Accessed 6 February 2024. https://www.timesofisrael.com/two-bedouin-teens-still-held-in-gaza-with-father-and-older-brother/.
[25] Eden S. and Yahia, Deiaa H. “Family of Bedouin-Israeli Hostage Killed by IDF in Gaza Blame Israel and Hamas After Funeral.” Haaretz, 16 December 2023. Accessed 6 February 2024, https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2023-12-16/ty-article/.premium/after-funeral-of-bedouin-israeli-hostage-killed-by-idf-family-blames-israel-and-hamas/0000018c-7369-d798-adac-f7effe1e0000.
[26] Sudilovsky, J. “MKs visit unrecognized Bedouin villages, address critical issues.” Jerusalem Post, 27 January 2024. Accessed 13 February 2024. https://www.jpost.com/israel-hamas-war/article-783799#google_vignette
[27] Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF). “Lack of protection against missiles and rockets in the unrecognized villages in the Negev,” positon paper, 15 November 2023. https://www.dukium.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/NCF-Lack-of-protection-against-missiles-and-rockets_position-paper_15.11.23_ENG_FINAL2-Photos.pdf
[28] Dr. Manal Hreib, Dr. Yulia Shevchenko and Doron Bruitman. “Survey Findings Shelter, safety, and feelings of security within the Negev Bedouin society in the shadow of the war between Israel and Hamas.” February 2024. https://www.dukium.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/NCF-Nagabiya-Research-Shelter-Safety-Feeling-of-security.pdf
[29] Adva Center. “Lessons of the Covid-19 Epidemic Forgotten: Unrecognized Bedouin Villages in the Negev Face Hunger.” 1 November 2023. https://adva.org/en/foodinsecurity-negev-war2023/
[30] Sudilovsky, J. “MKs visit unrecognized Bedouin villages, address critical issues.” Jerusalem Post, 27 January 2024. Accessed 13 February 2024. https://www.jpost.com/israel-hamas-war/article-783799#google_vignette
Tags: Land rights, Human rights, Indigenous Peoples Human Rights Defenders, International Processes
