The Indigenous World 2023: Ecuador
According to February 2022 data from the National Institute of Statistics and Census (INEC), Ecuador's current population stands at 18,232,933. There are 14 Indigenous nationalities in the country totalling more than one million people, most of which are grouped into a number of organizations at the national, regional and local level.
The Indigenous nationalities and peoples live mainly in the highlands (68.20%), followed by the Amazon (24.06%), with only 7.56% along the coast. In the 2010 census, the following Indigenous nationalities were considered able to self-identify: Tsáchila, Chachi, Epera, Awa, Kichwa, Shuar, Achuar, Shiwiar, Cofán, Siona, Secoya, Zápara, Andoa and Waorani.[1] The Kichwa nationality makes up the greatest percentage (85.87%) and accounts for nearly 800,000 individuals. Despite the small percentages of most nationalities, they all have the same collective rights within the framework of a Plurinational State. The highland province with the largest rural Indigenous population is Chimborazo (161,190 Indigenous people in 2010). To date, and after almost 15 years of the 2008 Constitution and more than two decades on from ratification of ILO Convention 169, there are still no specific or clear public policies fully guaranteeing the rights of Indigenous Peoples and preventing or neutralizing the risk that some of these peoples may become extinct, given the highly vulnerable situation in which they are living.
Various events took place throughout 2022 due to State policies that were likely to have an impact on the economic, social and political situation of Indigenous Peoples, and on the ongoing disagreements with the State. Three key elements can be noted in this regard: the neoliberal policies in place since the government of Lenin Moreno, which have continued with even greater intensity under the mandate of banker Guillermo Lasso; the absence of any regulations governing extractive projects, especially mining activity in Indigenous territories, resulting in permanent violations of their collective rights; and the limited response to the demands of Indigenous and peasant organizations, the main groups affected by neoliberal adjustment policies, despite widespread days of social protest in the middle of the year.
Neoliberalism, poverty and migration
The expectations generated by Lasso's rise to power were soon to be dashed by the economic and social consequences of a strict application of the orthodox agenda agreed with organizations such as the International Monetary Fund. This agenda includes the dismantling of public institutions, reducing the State's regulatory power and eliminating subsidies, under the premise of “austerity”, in critical areas such as security, health and education.
Indigenous families are among those most severely affected by poverty, extreme poverty and unemployment. According to INEC data, some 4,500,000 people are considered poor in the country, with 1,900,000 of these living in extreme poverty, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. This is suffered all the more intensely in rural areas and in Indigenous communities. In terms of social indicators, for example, unemployment and a lack of income have an impact on the poor nutrition of families.[2] According to UNICEF data, child malnutrition affects one in every three children. Alongside this, school dropout rates have increased and more than 4.1% of the country's children and adolescents have now dropped out of school, with some schools even suspending classes due to a lack of State budget and insecurity.[3]
In economic terms, the burden of the crisis has fallen most heavily on Indigenous and peasant communities, whose landholdings are less than 10 hectares and farmed using family labour. The absence of government support in terms of technical assistance and production credits, together with the elimination of subsidies, inflation, and rising input, transport and fuel costs, has all had a direct impact in terms of further decline and poverty.[4]
At the same time, Ecuador ended 2022 with its worst record of criminal violence ever. Across the country, 4,603 violent deaths were reported, being a rate of 25 cases per 100,000 inhabitants. Growth has been exponential in this regard: the official rate in 2021 was 13.7 deaths, i.e., an increase of 82.5% in one year.[5]
It was against this backdrop that Ecuador saw more than 100,000 migrants leave the country this year. Researcher Jacques Ramírez confirmed this figure with INEC data. And he added that the country had reached a figure of 188,000 (migratory balance) across 2021 and 2022. “We are living a second migratory wave in the 21st century so far. Migrations and the desire to leave a country occur when there is a crisis scenario. In this case, the country is suffering from poverty, unemployment, insecurity, violence and death. Migration in this context is therefore a survival strategy,” he said.[6]
Extractive industries, illegal mining and the government’s response
The promotion of extractive projects and concessions – especially metal mining – was scaled up in the country in 2022. At the same time, illegal mining activities intensified under the protection of contracts and demarcated areas, affecting protected areas and Indigenous territories. NGOs and environmental groups estimate that there are now 700 illegal mining sites across the country, 64% of them on the northern and southern borders.
One of the most conflictive cases is in the province of Napo, in the north-central Amazon, on the ancestral territory of the Kichwa that sits on the banks of the Jatunyacu River, in the communities of Yutzupino and Naranjalito. Approximately 3,000 artisanal gold miners have settled there in the last two years.[7]
According to Andrés Tapia, leader of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE):
[For the past two years] through the Manifesto for Water, Life and Nature, together with other groups and the Napo Ombudsman's Office, we have denounced the concessions granted without consultation to the Chinese company TerraEarth Resources S.A. over a total of 7,125 hectares (...). On 17 January 2022, our action demanding Protection and a Request for Precautionary Measures was partially accepted, acknowledging the violation of the constitutional rights of nature recognized and guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic (Art. 71) and the right to restoration (Art. 72). We filed an appeal in order to have all our claims recognized and to see our rights to free, prior and informed consultation guaranteed (...).[8]
In February 2022, backed up by the military, the Agency for Regulation and Control of Non-Renewable Resources seized 124 backhoe loaders. At the end of November 2022, State authorities again tried to enter Yutzupino but armed people threatened them and the operation failed. According to numerous testimonies from local residents, the government's operations are “a farce” because the director of the Agency (of Regulation and Control) himself makes the inspections publicly known. And even machines from the Prefecture of Napo have been seen.[9]
Illegal individuals enter small mestizo or Indigenous communities and co-opt their territories. They offer money for the use of their land. In the face of the State's neglect, there are even some Indigenous leaders and community members who choose to become involved in illegal mining, mainly the extraction of gold deposits from the sandy beds of these rivers. In contrast to the large legal concessions, this mining takes place at easily accessible points and it occurs more easily amidst an environment of organizational weakness.[10]
Both the concession-holding companies and those responsible for illegal activities create divisions between those community members who choose to exploit the resources and those who do not. Some community members are bribed with offers of up to USD 4,000 to lease their land for illicit activities. The fact that there is also money for the sector’s residents explains why some of these communities are not making a fuss about what is going on.
Patricio Meza, advisor to CONFENIAE and member of the National Anti-Mining Front, states:
(...) there is a boom in illegal mining. There were armed groups inside Yutzupino. The Front went to the public security forces to have them evicted through the Ministry of the Interior and this was achieved but now they are in Naranjalito and downriver. One of the strategies of the Chinese company TerraEarth Resources is to allow illegal mining in order to then arrive in the area as “saviours”. Together with environmental groups, the Napo Ombudsman's Office, the Carlos Julio Arosemena Tola Cantonal Assembly, six parish governments and two Indigenous organizations, we filed a protective action for violation of human and environmental rights due to legal and illegal mining. The action was filed against the Ministries of Environment and Energy, and the Regulatory Agency of this latter ministry. The judges recognized the violation of the rights of nature but not of human rights. The Napo Court ordered the defendants to implement a reparation plan and the Napo Prosecutor's Office to carry out investigations on the Ila, Blanco, Chimbiyacu, Anzu, Jatunyacu, Napo and Misahuallí rivers, where evidence of illegal mining was found (...). Some of the illegal miners are front men for a local authority.[11]
Sinangoe: a light in the midst of darkness
The ancestral community of Sinangoe is located in the north-eastern Amazon, in the province of Sucumbíos. It forms part of the A'i Cofán territory and covers an area of approximately 100,000 hectares. In addition, there are five other communities scattered over an area of 150,000 hectares, even crossing over the border into Colombia. The economy of these communities is forest-based and includes fishing, hunting and forestry. In the case of Sinangoe, the Ecuadorian government incorporated the ancestral A'i Cofán territory into the Cayambe Coca National Park more than 30 years ago without consultation. Most of the villagers never agreed that their territory should be considered a “park” controlled by the State for conservation purposes but the Ministry of the Environment believed that the human population was endangering efforts to protect the country's natural heritage and so it signed an agreement with the local community whereby these latter agreed to restrictions on their ancestral activities and way of life in exchange for State protection, monitoring and supervision of their territory.
This protection never materialized, however. Quite the contrary, the A'i Cofán and their territory have been besieged by various exogenous factors such as tourism, settlers and, in recent years, gold mining. As of 2017, 52 concessions had been granted for mineral exploration and exploitation. Of these, 20 have now been issued and 32 are still under negotiation. [12]
Several mining activities were detected by A'i Cofán environmental monitors. They conducted fortnightly tours in groups of seven to 15 people to gather evidence that enabled them to file a complaint with the Ministry of the Environment (MAE). Initially, the authorities denied the problem, arguing that these activities were outside the boundaries of the ancestral territory. However, this evasion of responsibilities also included the Mining Regulation and Control Agency (ARCOM) and the then National Water Secretariat (SENAGUA).
At the community's insistence, they admitted that these were illegal activities on the ancestral territory and that, although the concessions had been granted, these latter did not have the environmental licences to commence their operations. The case came to court and the community of Sinangoe filed a protective action against MAE, ARCOM and SENAGUA through the Single Chamber of the Provincial Court of Justice of Sucumbíos. On 3 August 2018, the judge of the Multipurpose Judicial Unit, based in the Gonzalo Pizarro canton of the Province of Sucumbíos, resolved to accept the proposed protective action due to violations of the right to prior consultation, as enshrined in Article 57(7) of the Constitution of the Republic.[13]
In reparation, it ordered: a) the suspension of the administrative procedures for mining concessions located in the area of the Chingual, Cofanes and Aguarico rivers; and b) that the corresponding Free, Prior and Informed Consultation(FPIC) be carried out. This ruling was, however, immediately appealed by the MAE, ARCOM and SENAGUA. The appeal hearing took place in September and ruled that there had been no violation of the community's right to FPIC because it was not necessary, since the mining activity was allegedly not within the ancestral territory, and nor did it affect their rights.[14]
Having postponed the hearing for more than a month, in February the judges of the Single Chamber of the Provincial Court of Justice of Sucumbíos ratified the ruling in favour of the Cofán de Sinangoe Indigenous community. Nevertheless, the dictated reparation measures established under the responsibility of the MAE, the Ministry of Energy and SENAGUA were still not implemented. The case gained international recognition and came to the knowledge of the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, Victoria Tauli Corpuz, who visited Ecuador at the end of 2019 and reported back to the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR). Subsequently, the CESCR called on the Government of Ecuador to comply with this ruling, as there had been an evident violation of the rights of the A'i Kofán community of Sinangoe.
Four years later, in January 2022, the Constitutional Court of Ecuador, through Judges Carmen Corral Ponce, Alí Lozada Prado and Hernán Salgado Pesantes, chose Case No. 273-19-J, the ruling in favour of the community of Sinangoe, due to its severity and national relevance.[15] And, among other things, as the highest constitutional body, it issued a ruling that stated: “The matter is serious because the mining activity, if not adequately consulted on, informed, planned and executed, could affect their ancestral territories, because it would induce a radical change in their ways of life and threaten nature, water, environment, culture, territory and health.”[16] After 13 years of the Montecristi Constitution, the Constitutional Court has finally enforced a constitutional provision on this matter for the first time.
June national strike, repression and dialogue
The Lasso government’s neoliberal policies and their social impacts have resulted in a rapid erosion of the regime's popularity. The State's failure to comply with the agreements made after the popular protests in October 2019,[17] in particular regarding the removal of the State subsidy and the increase in fuel prices, despite the repeal of Executive Decree No. 883, together with the widespread deterioration in living conditions for most of the population, as already noted above, provoked new protests over 18 days in June 2022, far more intense and lasting than the events of 2019. According to Franklin Ramírez, professor and researcher on FLACSO's Political Science Programme, “The national strike led by the Indigenous movement and, in particular, its authoritarian prosecution by the regime, transformed citizen antipathy towards Lasso into a mass mobilization that no longer demanded only a redirection of the public agenda but also the president's departure.”
One of the main demands of the social organizations was fuel price controls, as the price of fuel had increased considerably since the start of 2020. The price of diesel had almost doubled, from USD 1 to USD 1.90 per gallon (3.8 litres), and petrol from USD 1.75 to USD 2.55, according to AFP agency estimates.
The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) presented a 10-point document that included: 1) a freeze on fuel prices; 2) a moratorium on debts with public, private and cooperative banks; 3) fair prices for rural products such as milk, rice, bananas, onions, fertilizers, potatoes, corn, tomatoes, etc.; 4) improved employment and labour rights, with policies and public investment to curb job insecurity and ensure the sustainability of the popular economy; 5) no expansion of the extractive mining or oil frontier: repeal of Decrees 95 and 151; 6) respect for collective rights, such as intercultural bilingual education, Indigenous justice, FPIC, the organization and self-determination of Indigenous Peoples; 7) a halt to the privatization of strategic sectors such as Banco del Pacífico, hydroelectric plants, social security, telephone companies, highways, health, etc.; 8) policies to control prices and market speculation for basic necessities; 9) an urgent budget for health and education, particularly given the lack of medicines and understaffing of hospitals; 10) security, protection, and the creation of effective public policies to stop the wave of violence, contract killings, crime, drug trafficking, kidnapping and organized crime.[18]
Although CONAIE, through its president Leonidas Iza, was calling for a so-called “national strike”, the demands made largely included more general aspirations. Only item 7 referred to a direct demand of the Indigenous Peoples. In turn, two points touched on peasant demands (fair prices for farm products) and those of small/medium producers (renegotiation of debts and a debt moratorium) and one called for a moratorium on the extractive frontier. The others formed part of an anti-neoliberal platform based around four points: curbing job insecurity, stopping privatizations and resuming public investment in health and education, and demanding price controls for basic necessities and a reduction in fuel prices. The issue of citizen security was unprecedented and is a reaction to the unstoppable wave of violence, drug trafficking and crime that the country is enduring.
The national strike began at midnight on 13 June 2022 and was to last until 30 June 2022. Collective actions included the blockade of several interprovincial highways in the Amazon and the highlands, with several social and trade union organizations joining the paralysis, especially banana farmers from the coast. In the cities, transport routes were gradually suspended. The Ministry of Education maintained normal class attendance for schools and colleges although road blockades limited the movement of people.[19]
At the same time, the National Popular Coordinating Committee was demanding that the National Electoral Council (CNE) issue ballots to initiate a petition for the recall of President Lasso, something this organization refused to do. Other protest actions by high school and university students in Quito and Cuenca added to this event. [20]
On 14 June, in the early hours of the morning, some 90 kilometres south of Quito in Pastocalle, Cotopáxi, the president of CONAIE, Leonidas Iza, was violently arrested in an operation involving 65 police officers. Iza was transferred to Quito, where he was held incommunicado for eight hours in the Flagrancy Unit. Following allegations of irregularities in the proceedings, he was transferred to Latacunga and held at a military air base in that city.[21] As soon as news of the transfer became public, hundreds of people, largely members of the Indigenous and Peasant Movement of Cotopaxi (MICC), blocked the city demanding the immediate release of their leader.[22]
“The arbitrary nature of the measure (his whereabouts were unknown for a few hours) led to solidarity with the movement and radicalized the Indigenous grassroots. Without realizing it, Iza was quickly bringing people together. The decision to take the mobilization to Quito accelerated the regime's forceful response,” said Franklin Ramírez.[23]
On 17 June, Lasso decreed a state of emergency in three provinces (extending it to five three days later) and ordered the occupation of the Ecuadorean Cultural House in Quito, an autonomous space that historically houses the Indigenous movement in the capital. From a purely military logic, the aim was to make the logistical conditions (sleeping, eating, meeting) of the mobilized people difficult while they were away from their communities.[24] The last time the Cultural House was taken over by the State was 42 years ago, during the military dictatorship.
Road closures increased in several provinces of the country, mainly in the inter-Andean region. As a result, interprovincial public transport was suspended across most of the country, and food shortages worsened in cities such as Cuenca, Quito, Latacunga, Ambato and others. Police and military repression intensified in various areas of the country. Several digital media (critical of the government) were also hacked. The best known case was that of Radio Pichincha, whose server was taken down by attacks from the United States and Germany.[25]
In this context, General Luis Lara, Minister of Defence, stated: “(...) Ecuador's democracy is at serious risk due to the concerted action of notable individuals who are impeding the free movement of the majority of Ecuadorians (...) and manipulating the social protest.”[26]
The Salesian and Central Polytechnic universities of Ecuador, which had taken in hundreds of Indigenous families from the Central Highlands and Amazon (forming “peace and humanitarian aid zones”) provided a wide range of food, medicine and assistance to the wounded during these intense days of protest in Quito. Despite requests to respect these zones, however, the police threw tear gas bombs into the Salesian University.
After several failed calls for dialogue from the National Assembly and the Catholic Church (through the Ecuadorian Episcopal Conference), the government finally agreed to call off its violence and repression and sit down at the table with delegates from the Indigenous organizations, headed by CONAIE, the National Federation of Indigenous and Black Organizations (FENOCIN) and the Federation of Evangelical Indigenous People (FEINE). However, following an obscure incident in a community near the oil fields in which a group of soldiers was attacked, resulting in the death of one of them, the government accused the Indigenous organizations (without any evidence) of committing this act. President Lasso issued a statement announcing that the dialogue had broken down: “We will not sit down to talk with Leonidas Iza again. He has political interests that are not those of his followers, and he is intent on deceiving the Indigenous movement and the country as a whole.” CONAIE rejected Lasso's accusations stating: “(...) the government has broken off the dialogue, confirming its authoritarianism, lack of will and incapacity”. On the eve of the end of the social protest, the death toll was nine dead, 500 injured and hundreds more arrested.
Following this first suspension of the dialogue, several popular demonstrations joined the anti-government forces in Quito and other cities: feminist, LGBTIQ+, neighbourhood and student collectives marched in protest, demanding Lasso's resignation. After intense lobbying by the Ecuadorian Episcopal Conference, the government finally agreed to mediation and the inauguration of a dialogue that was to put an end to the protests, based on the signing of a “Peace Act” drawn up by the Church as mediator, in which several points were agreed. Among those present were government authorities and representatives of CONAIE, FEINE and FENOCIN.[27] The Executive agreed to reduce the price of fuel, to make efforts to target its subsidy, to repeal Executive Decree No. 95 on oil policy, and to reform Decree No. 151 in order to prohibit mining in protected areas.[28]
The dialogue took place under asymmetrical conditions, with the notable absence of the head of government, who kept his distance and acted through his ministers. This was interpreted as a sign of great political weakness, disrepute and low credibility. Almost three uninterrupted weeks of mobilization and protest, together with the State's contempt and repressive violence against the demonstrators, had turned the initial Indigenous demands into a “popular rebellion” in which diverse popular actors converged to demand the government's resignation.
In the end, however, the dialogue ended up achieving very few of the demands made in economic and social terms but instead gave the weakened Lasso government the space in which to formulate proposals for social programmes that were not initially included in his radical neoliberal policy. At the end of the year, Leonidas Iza, president of CONAIE, denounced the fact that:
The National Government is not respecting the agreements established in the dialogue given that it has announced a Mining Protection Plan in 11 territories where large-scale mining is already being carried out (...). They are going to militarize territories where there is a mining presence but there are people in those territories, comrades from communes, communities, peoples and nationalities, peasant brothers and sisters, montubio comrades, comrades who are linked to agriculture, who do not want mining.[29]
Pablo Ortiz-T. is a sociologist. He holds a Doctorate in Cultural Studies and a Master's Degree in Political Science. He is a lecturer/researcher at the Universidad Politécnica Salesiana de Ecuador (UPS), Quito, and is coordinator of the State and Development Research Group (GIEDE). Contact: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
This article is part of the 37th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced. Find The Indigenous World 2023 in full here.
Notes and references
[1] Data taken from the Agenda for Equal Rights of Indigenous Nationalities and Peoples, Afro-Ecuadorian People and Montubio People 2019-2021. Available at: http://www.pueblosynacionalidades.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Agenda-Nacional-para-la-Igualdad-de-Pueblos-y-Nacionalidades.pdf
[2] INEC. “Boletín Técnico Nº 02-2323-ENEMDU Encuesta Nacional de Empleo, Desempleo y Subempleo (ENEMDU), December 2022. Pobreza y Desigualdad”. National Institute of Statistics and Census (INEC). Available at: https://www.ecuadorencifras.gob.ec/documentos/web-inec/POBREZA/2022/Diciembre_2022/202212_Boletin_pobreza.pdf
[3] UNICEF. Malnutrition Programme, Ecuador. UNICEF. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/ecuador/desnutrici%C3%B3n
[4] “La pobreza en Ecuador no es igual para todos”. Revista Gestión, October 2022. Available at: https://www.revistagestion.ec/index.php/analisis-sociedad/la-pobreza-en-ecuador-no-es-igual-para-todos-menos-la-pobreza-extrema
[5] "Ecuador lidera el incremento de violencia criminal en Latinoamérica". Primicias, December 2022. Available at: https://www.primicias.ec/noticias/en-exclusiva/ecuador-incremento-muertes-violentas-latinoamerica/
[6] "100 mil ecuatorianos salieron del país en lo que va del 2022". Radio Pichincha, 16 November 2022. Available at: https://www.radiopichincha.com/100-mil-ecuatorianos-salieron-del-pais-en-lo-que-va-del-ano-2022/
[7] Colectivo de Geografía Crítica del Ecuador. “Informe geográfico sobre la situación territorial en la provincia de Napo sobre algunas zonas donde se está explotando minería metálica”. Colectivo de Geografía Crítica del Ecuador, March 2021. Available at:https://geografiacriticaecuador.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Informe-inspeccion-Napo_Geografia-Critica_2020_marzo-2021_FINAL-con-firma.pdf
[8] CONFENIAE. “Rueda de Prensa ante la actividad minera en la provincia del Napo”. CONFENIAE, 18 February 2022. Available at: https://confeniae.net/2022/rueda-de-prensa-ante-la-actividad-minera-en-la-provincia-del-napo
[9] Evelyn Tapia. “Minería ilegal crece sin control en la provincia amazónica de Napo”. Primicias, 29 November 2022. Available at: https://www.primicias.ec/noticias/economia/mineria-ilegal-napo-contaminacion-amazonas/
[10] “Impacto de la minería ilegal en Napo”. Mongabay, 16 August 2022. Available at: https://es.mongabay.com/2022/08/en-corto-cual-es-el-impacto-de-la-mineria-ilegal-en-la-provincia-de-napo-en-ecuador/
[11] CONFENIAE. “Boletín de Prensa Marcha por la Vida”. CONFENIAE, 9 February 2022. Available at: https://confeniae.net/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Boletin-de-Prensa-Marcha-9feb2022-Napo-1.pdf
[12] Suárez B., Gisela. Acción y conflicto entre la comunidad Cofán de Sinangoe y el Estado ecuatoriano frente al extractivismo minero. Quito: Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Master's Degree in Latin American Studies, 2020. Available at: https://repositorio.uasb.edu.ec/bitstream/10644/8043/1/T3482-MELA-Suarez-Accion.pdf
[13] Office of the Ombudsman of Ecuador. Historic ruling in favour of the A'i Cofán de Sinangoe nationality against mining. 22 October 2019. Available at: https://www.dpe.gob.ec/fallo-historico-a-favor-de-la-nacionalidad-ai-cofan-de-sinangoe-contra-la-mineria/
[14] Sucumbíos Court. Sinagoe case ruling. Available at: https://www.derechosdelanaturaleza.org.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/SENTENCIA-PRIMER-NIVEL-COF%C3%81N-SINANGOE.pdf
[15] Constitutional Court. Case No. 273-19-JP 27/1/2022. Available at: https://portal.corteconstitucional.gob.ec/FichaRelatoria.aspx?numdocumento=273-19-JP/22
[16] Constitutional Court of Ecuador. Ruling No. 273-19-JP/22. Available at: http://esacc.corteconstitucional.gob.ec/storage/api/v1/10_DWL_FL/e2NhcnBldGE6J3RyYW1pdGUnLCB1dWlkOidjOWE4ODAyZC03Y2E1LTQ4NDItOWIzNS01ZDZjMzZiM2I3ZGMucGRmJ30=
[17] Cf. Ortiz-T., Pablo. “Ecuador”. In The Indigenous World. Copenhagen: IWGIA, 2020. pp. 396-409. Available at: https://www.iwgia.org/en/ecuador/3620-iw-2020-ecuador.html
[18] CONAIE. “Demandas de la movilización nacional, popular y plurinacional”. CONAIE, 20 June 2022. Available at: https://conaie.org/2022/06/20/demandas-de-la-movilizacion-nacional-popular-y-plurinacional/
[19] INREDH. "Informe sobre los derechos humanos durante los 18 días de protesta social". INREDH, 8 July 2022. Available at: https://inredh.org/paronacionalec2022-informe-sobre-los-derechos-humanos-durante-los-18-dias-de-protesta-social/
[20] “Ecuador: Lasso, entre destitución de la Asamblea Nacional o implementación de la 'Muerte cruzada'”. France 24, 25 June 2022. Available at: https://www.france24.com/es/am%C3%A9rica-latina/20220625-lasso-entre-la-destituci%C3%B3n-de-la-asamblea-nacional-o-la-implementaci%C3%B3n-de-la-muerte-cruzada
[21] Alianza por los Derechos Humanos Ecuador. "Boletín Prensa Detención Leonidas Iza Paro Nacional”. Alianza por los Derechos Humanos Ecuador, 14 June 2022. Available at: https://ddhhecuador.org/2022/06/14/documento/boletin-prensa-detencion-leonidas-iza-paro-nacional-junio-2022-eng
[22] "Indígenas ecuatorianos llaman a levantamiento nacional". Telesur, 14 June 2022 Available at: https://www.telesurtv.net/news/ecuador-paro-nacional-llamamiento-levantamiento-nacional-20220614-0018.html
[23] “At times the president himself does not believe what he says and every time there are high tension scenarios that require his presence he is absent, he disappears.” Wambra, 29 June 2022. Available at: https://wambra.ec/franklin-ramirez-presidente-lasso-no-cree-en-su-palabra/
[24] “Policía allana la Casa de la Cultura en Quito”. Wambra, 19 June 2022. Available at: https://wambra.ec/policia-allana-la-casa-de-cultura/
[25] Amnesty International. “Ecuador: Represión contra protestas está causando crisis de derechos humanos". Amnesty International, 20 June 2022. Available at: https://www.amnesty.org/es/latest/news/2022/06/ecuador-repression-protests-causing-human-rights-crisis/
[26] “Ministro de Defensa alerta ‘la democracia en Ecuador está en serio riesgo‘". Swiss Info, 21 June 2022. Available at: https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/ecuador-protestas_ministro-de-defensa-alerta--la-democracia-en-ecuador-est%C3%A1-en-serio-riesgo-/47691484
[27] Cárdenas, J.; Ponce F.; Sempértegui (Coords.) (2023) Diálogo entre gobierno, movimiento indígena y organizaciones sociales. Documentary report (June-October 2022). Quito: UPS-Abya Yala. At: https://dspace.ups.edu.ec/handle/123456789/24181
[28] CONAIE Logros del Paro Nacional en Ecuador. In: https://conaie.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/LOGROS-DEL-PARO-NACIONAL_removed_compressed.pdf
[29] “El Gobierno no está respetando los acuerdos establecidos en las mesas de diálogo, denuncia Leonidas Iza”. Radio Pichincha, 21 December 2022. Available at: https://www.radiopichincha.com/el-gobierno-no-esta-respetando-los-acuerdos-establecidos-en-las-mesas-de-dialogo-denuncia-leonidas-iza/
Tags: Global governance
